Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
/
v.9
no.3
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pp.211-218
/
2004
It was amazing that efficiency of bureaucratic system, when Marx Weber presented theory of bureaucracy. Now, Government and Bureaucratic organization are confronted with a forked road of change. The purpose of this paper is not so much to force choices among the alternative visions of governance but rather to make the choices available to governments more evident. Any choice of paradigms for government and administration is unlikely to be Pareto optimal, but we should be clear about what we receive and what we sacrifice when we make these judgements about governance. Today, government and public bureaucracy must be changed. There are needed an innovation of government and public bureaucracy. It must be changed concepts from government to governance. Governance is a national management.
Purpose: The object of this study is to identify the reason why school health education act had not been enforced properly, and to find out implications for improving. Methods: The implementation process of school health education act was described and the imperatives of the process were analysed. M. Rein's Policy Implementation Model was used as an analysis framework. The sources of this study was based on the minutes of parliament, government reports, materials for the meetings of policy makers, the press, etc. Results: The school health education act clarified mandatory and systemic health education in it, but it did not clearly mentioned about 'the introduction of compulsory health education subject'. The bureaucrats of National Educational Ministry who are responsible for policy implementation, did not behave in a friendly manner toward the school health education act. What is more, the ways of mandatory and systemic school health education could not be discussed reasonably in the implementation process. Through this study it was found that the rational-bureaucratic imperative played the main role in the implementation process of school health education act due to the limitation of the legal imperative and the consensual imperative. Conclusion: The result of this study suggests the strong need to make up for the defect of the two imperatives, and to reform the rational-bureaucratic imperative.
Duan Fang's doctrine of constitutional monarchy went forward from monarchy to constitutional government based on that an establishment of constitution political structure is superior to a arbitrary rule political structure. And Duan Fang's doctrine featured limitation of monarch's authority protection of subjects' rights. He thought constitution government should be based on the establishment of constitution preparation. He believed that China need to take merit equally in the process of establishment of constitution preparation. In spite of this flexible recognition, there was not enough consideration about an ideological, social and economical basis that can make possible constitutional government operation. He had understood constitutional government system from angle of monarch's safety and the wealth and power of nation. The view was that a responsible Cabinet was for monarch's safety and the nation assembly judicature local autonomous is a system for safety of nation showed us. In his opinion, neither main task of congress is legislation, cabinet nor is the high ranking executive agency, however, he expected to constitutionalism system to become a buffing role instead of monarch. A little pure and simple thinking that open nation assembly and execute constitutional monarchy could make China powerful and wealthy might reflected urgent situation at that time.
The purpose of this study is to explore some policy implications for improving the faculty personnel management and their salary scheme of the Korean national universities through comparing the systems and practices of Korean national universities to those of OECD countries. The fact that many leading OECD countries in higher education arena have been taking decentralized contract-based system based on institutional autonomy and performance beyond the previous bureaucratic control model casts some significant implications for the Korean national university reform. Especially, concerning on personnel management, it is necessary to provide more flexibility in managing faculty personnel categorization and expansion of faculty quota management for faculty and to review the maintenance of faculty's legal status as civil servant. In addition, regarding the salary scheme of faculty, we suggested performance-based salary scheme with plus-sum methods, settlement of rational faculty performance evaluation system and practices, and need for some aligning efforts for changing faculty salary scheme of the national universities.
The purpose of this study is to explore some directions and alternatives for reforming the school education system, which is one of the core policy agendas of the Korean society that has met the upcoming 4th industrial revolution era and intelligence information society. Korean school education is a supplier-oriented system that does not take into consideration student's individual needs and aptitudes, and maintains uniform educational and learning practices while strengthening the characteristics of factory school model of the early 20th century. Especially, according to the excessive follow-up of the college entrance examination of the people the de-contextualization of knowledge and the instrumentation and learning of the education has been deepened. For the reform of the education system, first, it should transform the curriculum delegation system from the current administrative to teacher-based system. Second, we need to dismantle the bureaucratic corps of teacher that erodes the autonomy of the teacher and should establish the professional teacher system. Third, we should overcome egoism of each curriculum territory and reform the teacher education system. Fourth, it is necessary to overhaul the system of education and administrative bureaucracy as well as to overhaul the system of educational law. Fifth, it is necessary for the school administration to provide more effective communication between learners and teachers.
This paper investigates the roles and the limitations of the Korean antitrust agencies-the Office of Fair Trade (OFT) and the Fair Trade Commission (FTC) during the making of the major industrial policies of the 1980's. The Korean antitrust agencies played only a minimal role in three major industrial policy-making issues in the 1980's- the enactment of the Industrial Development Act (IDA), the Industrial Rationalization Measures according to the IDA, and the Industrial Readjustment Measures on Consolidation of Large Insolvent Enterprises based on the revised Tax Exemption and Reduction Control Act. As causes for this performance bias in the Korean antitrust system, this paper considers five factors according to the current literature on implementation failure: ambiguous and insufficient statutory provisions of the Monopoly Regulation and Fair Trade Act (MRFTA); lack of resources; biased attitudes and motivations of the staff of the OFT and the FTC; bureaucratic incapability; and widespread misunderstanding about the roles and functions of the antitrust system in Korea. Among these five factors, bureaucratic incompetence and lack of understanding in various policy implementation environments about the roles and functions of the antitrust system have been regarded as the most important ones. Most staff members did not have enough educational training during their school years to engage in antitrust and fair trade policy-making. Furthermore, the high rate of staff turnover due to a mandatory personnel transfer system has prohibited the accumulation of knowledge and skills required for pursuing complicated structural antitrust enforcement. The limited capability of the OFT has put the agency in a disadvantaged position in negotiating with other economic ministries. The OFT has not provided plausible counter-arguments based on sound economic theories against other economic ministries' intensive market interventions in the name of rationalization and readjustment of industries. If the staff members of antitrust agencies have lacked substantive understanding of the antitrust and fair trade policy, the rest of government agencies must have had serious problems in understanding the correst roles and functions of the antitrust system. The policy environment of the Korean antitrust system, including other economic ministries, the Deputy Prime Minister, and President Chun, have tended to conceptualize the OFT more as an agency aiming only at fair trade policy and less as an agency that should enforce structural monopoly regulation as well. Based on this assessment of the performance of the Korean antitrust system, this paper evaluate current reform proposals for the MRFT A. The inclusion of the regulation of conglomerate mergers and of business divestiture orders may be a desirable revision, giving the MRFTA more complete provisions. However, given deficient staff experties and the unfavorable policy environments, it would be too optimistic and naive to expect that the inclusion of these provisions alone could improve the performance of the Korean antitrust system. In its conclusion, this paper suggests several policy recommendations for the Korean antitrust system, which would secure the stable development and accumulation of antitrust expertise for its staff members and enough understanding and conformity from its environments about its antitrust goals and functions.
Most of the convergence studies argue the reform of the current policy regime of broadcasting and telecommunications in Korea from two perspectives: 1) the media governance perspective and 2) the media industry perspective. The former emphasizes the need of integrity, consistency and efficiency of the regime in the convergence environment, while the latter focuses upon the growth and development of the media industry making the best of economic and industrial opportunities that are spawned by digital convergence. Although their arguments are logical and robust, they are lopsided in terms of legalism and myopic economism due to the linear perception of institutionalism, Bureaucratic administrative practices as well as ostentatious IT policies that have chronically plagued the policy regime in Korea cannot be resolved by simply assimilating distinct regulatory bodies and laws. Unless these two issues are properly addressed, the convergence of media policy institutions would end up a half-success or half-failure contrary to the exportations of existing studies.
The purpose of this study is to examine the issues of school arts & culture education policy in Korea, using the four dimensional model of Cooper, Fusarelli, & Randall(2004). Research method is literature analysis, the accumulated policy documents and academic papers were used as the basis data. As a result, the followings are required for effective policy outcome: From the normative dimension, overcoming the pursuit of national growth ideology and bureaucratic rationality; from the structural dimension, securing of practical forms and content through the reform to the teacher mandate system in curriculum operation; from the constituentive dimension, clear division of roles among members through the change of awareness about arts & culture education; and finally from the technical dimension, rational allocation of resources based on firm educational criteria. Building upon the results, promotion of basic academic research, accepting the opinions of arts & culture education parties concerned, expansion of opportunities for cultural art experience of teachers, building up the integrated arts & culture education teacher training system, the reorganization of the teacher training system, and raising the professionalism of teaching artists.
The basic purpose behind the Korean government's policy toward the Korean deep sea fishing industry is to limit growth of the industry. Therefore, the regulations on the industry are generally restrictive and interventionist. The policy is intended to maintain high domestic fish prices in order to protect the domestic coastal fishing industry. Some regulations have also been introduced to maintain "industrial order." Each fishing vessel must obtain a government permit for operation. The permit specifies the kind of fish it can catch, the area of sea in which it can operate, and the port at which it can unload its catches. The number of permits government issues each year is based on the estimates of the demand increase calculated by government officials, and the government traditionally has been fairly conservative in its estimation, reflecting its concern for fish price stabilization, which actually implies a gradual increase of the prices. There is also a restriction on importing vessels from abroad. This regulation is intended to protect the domestic shipbuilding industry. However, this regulation has resulted in an unusually high average age of Korean fishing vessels, causing fishing costs to rise. These regulations and the inflexible response of the regulators to changing circumstances have resulted in many problems: i) high domestic fish prices, which are, to some extent deliberately, inflated to three or four times the level of international prices, resulting in huge consumer welfare losses; ii) over-exploitation of coastal fish resources; iii) provision of a hospitable environment for inefficient firms to survive, which is especially evident from the fact that, despite the high fish prices in Korea, most of the firms in the industry do not enjoy high profitability. It also must be pointed out that the actual beneficiaries of the high fish prices are the large operators, who are protected from competition and provide most of the fish for domestic consumption, rather than the low-income fishing households and small coastal operators whom the policy was originally designed to help. This study proposes a set of regulatory reforms and policy changes which could Promote competition and equity within the industry and allow firms to reduce costs and increase productivity. Such changes can make the industry more efficient and internationally competitive. Major proposals are, among others: minimization of bureaucratic discretion in issuing fishing permits and maintaining transparency in the governments' decision-making processes; reduction of the government permit specifications and simplification of the operational categories within the industry; and removal of the restrictions on importing foreign fishing vessels.
Establishment and expansion of a FOI regime is a fundamental basis for modern democracy. Informed decisions and supports by the people are critical to establishment of democratic institutions and policies. The best tool to make informed decisions and to ensure accountability is the FOI. For effective FOI, good records management is necessary requirement. This paper observes and analyses the development of the FOI in the U.S., the Open Government policy, and the government records management reforms under Obama Administration to search viable solutions for Korean FOI and public records management reforms. Major revisions and advancement of the FOIA in the United States are examined, especially the revision of the FOIA as the OPEN Government Act of 2007. The FOIA revision enhanced greatly the freedom of information in the U.S. including the establishment of an independent FOI ombudsman by the Congress. The paper also discusses the Presidential memoranda on the Open Government and the FOI by President Obama, the following directives, Presidential memorandum on government records management and the Government Records Management Directive. Major contents of the directives, plans, and achievement are summarized and analysed. Finally, this paper compares the government records management reforms under former President Roh Mu Hyun with the Obama's reform drive. The comparison found that major difference in the "top-down" government records reforms are the difference in democratic institutions such as weak congressional politics, strong bureaucratic obstacles, and relatively weak social and professional supports for the reforms in Korea, while these reforms were similar in terms that they were driven by insightful political leaders. Independent FOI ombudsman and national records administration are necessary for such democratic reforms.
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