• 복식문화연구
• /
• 제19권2호
• /
• pp.402-415
• /
• 2011

The purpose of this study is to research the ideologies of African-American hair-styles according to cultural phenomena. This is a qualitative research using the books and theses about society, culture, hair and beauty, and materials of internet. The results are; Firstly, African-Americans are citizens or residents of the United States who have origins in any of the black populations of Africa. About 75 percent of the dark-skinned people on this continent have hair labeled "kinky". Secondly, African hair-styles expressed Supernaturalism and Traditionalism in the formative period of African culture. African-American hair-styles reflected Colonialism in the period of slaves. African-American citizen's hair-styles showed Nationalism after 1960s' Black Pride Movement in the period of settlement in America, and expressed De-territorialism since the boom of 1970s' Reggae. Today, the wearing of dreadlocks, cornrows, and afros has transcended racial and religious barriers. No longer necessarily reflections of ancient traditions and cultural identification, they are just as often fashion items.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제55권5호
• /
• pp.907-936
• /
• 2009

Quite arguably, W. E. B. Du Bois is the first figure in the history of black nationalism who engaged most persistently and systematically with the dominant ideology of racism and white supremacy. It is not too much to say that, by contending with the Eurocentric but taken-for-granted concept of the 'Negro' in the turn of the century, Du bois has laid the theoretical and ideological cornerstone of postcolonialism today. But his concept of race varied over time and was even contradictory in the same writings. The early Du Bois defined race as something historically made rather than biologically given and determined. Yet he didn't utterly deny the significance of physical traits and skin color in constructing racial identity. His notion of the 'Negro' was not unambiguous, either. While drawing on the 'soul' of 'black folk' to undermine the Eurocentric dichotomy of white/mind and black/body, Du Bois argued that there is some kind of 'spiritual' differences between whites and blacks, differences that are essentially inherent and hereditary in the 'Negro.' Such essentialist notion of race and the 'Negro' was on the wane in the later Du Bois, especially after his encounter with Marxism. He came to think of race merely as a discourse of racism that can be subverted and even appropriated for anti-racist practices. Following the Marxist assumption that 'the color line' is a class conflict on the international level, Du Bois contended that the 'Negro' is an outcome of slavery which is in turn a subsystem of Western capitalism. He also argued that, since the 'Negro' is not a biological essence but a sociocultural formation, the identity of the 'Negro' can and must be reconstructed according to historical change. For Du Bois, therefore, the resistance against colonialism and capitalism became a resistance against racism. This is why his Pan-African movement shifted its gear from the American program in the initial phase to a truly 'Afrocentric' and socialist one.

• 복식문화연구
• /
• 제23권3호
• /
• pp.412-424
• /
• 2015

The purpose of this study was to analyze the meaning of soul fashion in American pop culture. This study was conducted using a literature research method based on the prior theses, journals and relevant books. Soul as a concept, originated in African-American communities and evolved from the ideology of Black Power, which prompted Black Nationalism. Soul fashion, which took on two styles in African American culture began to embody black resistance and community pride in the late 20th century. One of these, hip-hop style represented the message of resistance and a sense of beauty outside the mainstream. The other, African-inspired fashion, which utilized a look inspired by African tradition, rejected white supremacy by expressing a proud dignity. As a result, the meaning of "soul" in soul fashion represented by American pop culture resulted in contrasting appearance due to different elements. First, one of its meanings is ironic and sarcastic, and it expressed historical trauma, cultural stereotypes, self-hatred, and self-degradation and, the self-mutilation of African-American by cynically distorting their silhouettes and, using modified materials and patterns, fantastic colors, and extraordinary accessories. Second, the other meanings is the pride and dignity of Black Power, which visualized the concentration of ideas implied by the tradition of African-American, through soul fashion by using fierce traditional of African costumes, unique patterns and accessories.

• 인문언어
• /
• 제2권2호
• /
• pp.223-265
• /
• 2002

In United States black mothers have consistently been treated as national outsiders, as women whose children, although ostensibly entitled to full citizenship, are in practice rarely provided with equal protection within the nation′s borders or under its laws. From the time he began writing in the aftermath of the failures of national Reconstruction, the African American public intellectual and political activist W. E. B. Du Bois realized that a truly effective anti-racist politics would also have to contend with the particular ways in which U.S. racism targeted black mothers. In short, he understood that an effective anti-racism would necessarily have to be a form of anti-sexism. This article examines the myriad ways in which Du Bois attempted to reconstruct the relationship between race and reproduction in the interest of producing anti-racist, anti-nationalist, as well as internationalist thinking. In so doing it treats the various representations of black maternity and child birth that Du Bois created, and elaborates on the rhetorical and political function of these representations in combating the racialization of national belonging on the one hand, and in articulating universal black citizenship, or what this article theorizes as racial globality on the other. The article begins by considering Du Bois′s attempts to transcend ideas about the racialized reproductive body as a source of national belonging within the United States, particularly his efforts to contest the idea of the reconstructing nation as a white nation reproduced exclusively by white women. Through analysis of Du Bois′s depiction of the birth and death of his son in his monumental work The Souls of Black Folk (1903) it demonstrates his reluctance to build an anti-racist politics founded on the idea that belonging within the nation is something that can be bestowed by one′s mother. The article proceeds by turning to Du Bois less well-known romantic novel, Dark Princess (1928) in which, by contrast, he depicts the birth of a "golden chi1d" who belongs not only within the United States, but within the world. This child, the son of an African American man and an Indian Princess, is cast as a messenger and messiah of a utopian alliance between pan-Asia and pan-Africa. In exploring the relationship between these two reproductive portraits, the article moves from a discussion of Du Bois′s critique of the ideological construction of the U.S. as a white nation reproduced by white progenitors, to an examination the literary figuration of a b1aek mother out of whose womb a black diasporic anti-imperialist alliance springs. In contrast to previous scholarship, which has tended to focus on the critique of U.S. racial nationalism that Du Bois expressed in his early work, or on the internationalism that he later embraced, this article pays close attention to how Du Bois′s anti-nationalist and internationalist politics together subtended by subtle, but constitutive, sexual politics.

• 영어영문학
• /
• 제54권2호
• /
• pp.301-322
• /
• 2008

Pauline Hopkins's Of One Blood; Or, the Hidden Self was published in the Colored American Magazine during 1902-03. As a literary experimentalist and a political protester, Hopkins uses her fiction as a medium to overcome and ameliorate the violently racialized surroundings of the turn-of-the-century America. Having been faced with racist rhetorics and theories growing on biological differences between races, Hopkins must have felt an overwhelming urgency to challenge the heritage of slavery in American history. In order to speak out her political agenda in such a milieu, she needed a new setting as well as new narrative materials for the new era. She had to move the setting from America to Africa, the ancient utopian Ethiopia; her interest in the ancient African civilization reflects both a popular African-American vision of Africa and the movement of "black nationalism" of the time. She also needed materials from nineteenthcentury sciences, the newly evolving theories of psychology and mysticism (spiritualism/mesmerism), to explore the meaning of "the hidden self" which unfolds the complex nature of Hopkin's position on race, "blood," and African-American racial subjectivity. Hopkins in the novel explores not the color line but the bloodline. Tracing the horrific legacy of incest in the history of slavery, she attempts to redefine the true racial identity of African-Americans in America and to reconstruct their past, both family and race history. At the very center of her major tropes in the novel-such as "of one blood," "the hidden self," and incest-exists female body. Black female body, though it represents the violent site of sexual body (rape and incest) in slavery, ultimately becomes a vehicle to convey and preserve the truth of racial memory/past/history for African-Americans. As a conveyor of the past, black women not just connect the past and the present but also reawaken AfricanAmericans with the legacy of the African 'pure' bloodline. Hopkins's vision here necessitates the reevaluation of black women's role in family and history, heralding the 20th-century black feminine writing. With the major tropes, Hopkins clearly suggests that the blood of (African-)Americans is unrecognizably intermixed. Although the novel ends with ambivalence and without resolution on what Africa signifies, those tropes certainly offer her a vehicle for criticizing as well as for challenging the racial reality of America.

• 비교문화연구
• /
• 제39권
• /
• pp.153-176
• /
• 2015

Poet, painter and publisher, Roland $Gigu{\grave{e}}re$ is one of Quebec's outstanding figures, inspired by both Surrealism and Quebec nationalism. He participated in contemporary artistic movement 'Phases' and influenced collective self-awareness and political ferment, 'Quiet Revolution'. In La Main au feu(1973), his poetry represent a landscape dominated by darkness in contrast with red color of fire from the volcanic crater. The world is immersed in darkness of despair which allude to the Great Darkness of Quebec society. Acts of violence assume many different forms: crows, black rain, dark flow, frenzy of knife blows. Both things and humans are in the state of absence or lack. Life falls into opacity of death. In the background of dark landscape, we discover Miror, a singular character. Similar to chain of mountains and to bare forest, he is a creature that shape the tragic inner world of poet. He is as like as seismograph that record the tremble of being. Finally, in order to fight the darkness of environment, the poet attempt to use the power of fire of volcanoes. The flow of magma become paintings of his dream and the flame of eruption, poetry of cry toward the sky. 'La main au feu' means the will to resist injustice and repression in the world. The tragic reality is replaced by a dream that become second reality out of reach of the force of hostile external circumstances.

• 예술인문사회 융합 멀티미디어 논문지
• /
• 제6권3호
• /
• pp.191-202
• /
• 2016

사회적 거리감(social distance)은 사회집단에 대한 태도를 측정할 수 있는 개념으로서 취약층의 사회행동 연구에 유용하다. 일반 아동들이 보이는 사회적 거리감이 두드러질수록 다문화가정자녀들의 자신감과 사회적 유능성이 저해될 수 있다. 이에 본 연구는 다문화가정자녀에 대한 일반아동들의 사회적 거리감에 영향을 미치는 요인을 다문화접촉경험, 긍정적 정서와 인지로 본 고정관념, 단일민족의 식을 중심으로 고찰하여 일반아동의 사회적 거리감에 관한 경험적 근거를 제시하고자 하였다. 주요결과는 첫째, 다문화접촉경험 중 높은 친밀도, 외국인 이웃의 인종(특히 백인과 흑인), 미디어와 다문화 교육을 받은 경우가 높은 수준의 사회적 거리감과 관련되었다. 둘째, 다문화가정자녀에 대해 긍정적으로 느끼고 인식할수록 사회적 거리감은 낮아졌다. 셋째, 위계적 회귀분석 결과, 다문화가정자녀에 대한 긍정적 정서, 긍정적 인지가 사회적 거리감을 유의하게 낮추는 효과가 나타났고. 친밀도와 다문화 교육은 사회적 거리감을 오히려 높이는 결과를 보였다. 이러한 결과에 근거하여 다문화가정자녀를 대하는 일반아동의 행동에 관한 사회복지실천을 위한 함의를 제시하였다.

• 한국의류산업학회지
• /
• 제16권5호
• /
• pp.706-718
• /
• 2014

Ideology which symbolizes the belief system about the order of human society represents itself in a concrete form through dress which reflects material and conceptual world. In the early 1960s Korea, where a civil revolution and a military coup took place, good examples of dress representing ideology could be found. This study investigates the dress representing ideology of the period, and examines its manifestation and aspect of transition. Literature survey and case study were conducted. The following results were obtained: First, dress representing ideology was symbolically verifying its differences and was changing with the course of time. There were the flow going down from the government, and the flow going up from the movement of the civilian. Through this process, design elements of ideological dress were combined in a dialectic way to form a new representational dress such as Jaegunbok. Second, costly and luxurious clothes meant a tool to rule over people, and the opposition was uniform meaning equality. In 1960 Korea, black waves of school uniforms appeared to lead the social change. A year later, the military government seized power in a 5.16 coup and it enforced uniform upon every people to achieve equal austerity and modernized spirit. Lastly, cotton, which was originated from Gandhi's movement in India, was symbolizing nationalism till the early 1960s in Korea meaning the funding own development with own resources.

• 인문언어
• /
• 제2권2호
• /
• pp.51-84
• /
• 2002

The 1990s have seen the publication of many books devoted to Language and Ideology (cf. Joseph & Taylor 1990. for one of the early ones) even though the term 'ideology' itself has remained ill-defined (Woolard 1998). The focus of attention has usually been placed on the particular use of language and often for some kind of 'political' ends, not on linguistic or other scholarship which might have been driven by some sort of ideology, i.e., a bundle of assumptions which themselves were taken as given. At least since Edward Said's 1978 book Orientalism, it has been clear to everyone that scholars construct their conceptualization of things in line with their understanding of the cultural, social, and political world in which they live, and that this often unreflected 'pre-understanding' effects their view of cultures that are different from theirs and more often than not geographically and temporally distant from theirs. This recognition has had a sobering effect no doubt, and Said's book has long since become 'mainstream.' Much more disturbing to the scholarly profession has been the publication of Martin Bernal's Black Athena in 1987, since it went much further, going beyond accusations of colonialism and cultural bias, in suggesting that the Western representation of Classical Greece over the past two hundred years was false and that what had been accepted until now about occidental antiquity must now be seen derived from African-Asiatic cultures of the Near East, notably that of the Ancient Egyptians, and that no other than Socrates should be seen as black man. While we may understand the intellectual climate in the United States that led academics to present 'myth as history' (Lefkowitz 1996), it is obvious that lines of regular scholarly principles of investigation have been crossed (cf Lefkowitz & Rogers 1996). The present paper investigates what may be seen as the ideological underpinnings of such work. After reviewing some recent scholarship in the area of linguistic historiography that have shown that academic work has never been 'value-neutral' (as may have been assumed or has been claimed by some practitioners), it is argued that in effect one must be aware of what Clemens Knobloch has recently termed Resonanzbedarf, i.e., the desire, whether conscious or not, of scholars-and probably scientists, too-to have their work recognized by the educated public and that, in so doing, their discourses tend to pick up on contemporary popular notions. These efforts may be harmless if everyone was to recognize these allusions and adoption of certain lexical. items(buzz words) as props or what Germans call Versatzstiicke, but history tells us that this has not always been the case. Still, as Hutton (1999) has shown, not all scholarship during the Third Reich for example can simply be dismissed as worthless because it was conducted in under a prevailing political ideology. Indeed, in seemingly innocent times, linguists can be shown to frame their argument in a way that makes them appear so utterly superior to their predecessors (cf. Lawson 2001). Upon closer inspection, those discourses turn out to be much like those of scholars in nationalistic environments that have tended to select their 'facts' to prove a particular hypothesis (cf., e.g., Koerner 2001). The article argues for scholars to take a more active role in exploding myths, scientifically unfounded claims, and ideologically driven distortions, especially those that are socially and politically harmful.

• 한국조경학회지
• /
• 제43권1호
• /
• pp.1-15
• /
• 2015

본 연구는 미국에 있는 베트남전쟁 메모리얼 중 외부공간에 다양한 요소들이 도입되어 공간적 개념을 가지고 만들어진 87개 메모리얼을 대상으로 설계개념, 공간적 특성, 조경디테일의 특성, 기념조각의 특성, 그리고 표현내용을 분석하고, 이에 기초하여 메모리얼에 나타난 기념성을 고찰하였으며, 연구의 주요결과는 다음과 같다. 1. 베트남전쟁 메모리얼 85개소(97.7%)에서는 희생자를 추모하고 국가를 위한 헌신이 강조되었고, 84개소(96.6%)에서 지역 부대 집단의 명예를 고양하는 것이 기본적 설계개념으로 적용되었다. 2. 메모리얼의 공간적 형태는 59개소(67.8%)에서 원형이나 축적 구성을 통하여 독립적인 공간의 완성이 추구되었고, 11개소(12.6%)에서 넓은 부지에 다양한 도입요소나 대지조형을 통하여 공간이 구성되었으며, 기념벽을 주요소로 한 것도 12개소(13.8%)에서 나타났다. 3. 희생자를 추모하기 위해 주로 기념벽이 사용된 곳이 65개소(74.7%)였고, 대부분의 메모리얼에서 다른 전쟁메모리얼처럼 국가 및 지역, 부대의 명예 고양을 위해 기와 엠블렘이 사용되었다. 이 밖에 빈 의자, 기념비나 마커, 기둥 및 열주, 폰드 및 수로, 헬리콥터 등이 일부 메모리얼에 도입되었다. 4. 메모리얼에서는 V자형 검은색 기념벽을 자주 사용하였기 때문에, 기념조각은 상대적으로 적은 21개소(24.1%)에서 도입되었다. 이 중에서 승리를 고무하는 영웅적인 전투 장면보다는 병사상이나 부상 장면을 묘사한 사실적 조각이 16개소(18.4%)로 대부분이었고, 일부에서 추상조각 및 은유조각이 사용되었다. 5. 전사자 및 실종자 등 희생자를 추모하기 위해 기념벽에 전사자 및 실종자 이름을 새기거나, 일부에서는 전사자 및 실종자의 사진 및 추모시를 음각하였고, 'DUTY, HONOR, COUNTRY'와 같은 상징적 문구를 적었으며, 전쟁으로 인하여 사회적으로 큰 이슈가 되었던 전쟁포로 및 실종자에 대한 관심을 나타내는 MIA/POW 이미지를 활용하였다. 6. 미국에서는 기념벽을 중요한 요소로 활용하여 전사자 실종자 참전군인의 이름을 새기고, 성조기 부대기 주기 등을 게양하며, 'ALL GAVE SOME, SOME GAVE ALL' 및 'DUTY, HONOR, COUNTRY'를 자주 표현하여 희생자를 추모하고, 명예를 고양하는 민주주의적 애국주의를 강조하였다. 반면, 베트남에서는 전쟁승리 및 민족 저항정신을 강조하였고, 사회주의의 대표적 양식인 기념조각 및 기념탑을 자주 사용하였으며, '조국은 당신을 기억한다'는 의미의 'TO-QUOC-GHI-CONG(토-국-기-공(土-國-記-功))'을 새기어, 민족주의, 사회주의, 애국주의를 강조하였다는 점에서 대조적이다. 향후 베트남 및 미국 이외에 베트남전쟁 참전국인 한국 및 오스트레일리아에 있는 베트남전쟁 메모리얼에 대한 분석을 통하여 국가적 기념성에 대한 비교 연구가 필요하다.