• Title/Summary/Keyword: ba-ji

검색결과 345건 처리시간 0.021초

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
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    • 제10권
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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한국 여성의 수발양식 관한 연구 -조선시대 여성 수발법을 중심으로- (A Study on the form of korean Women's Hair Style-From the Viewpoint of Woman's Hair Style in Cho-Sun Dynasty-)

  • 정상숙;조효순
    • 복식
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    • 제41권
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    • pp.95-105
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    • 1998
  • SOO-BAL(Hair Style) is a method Which match hair style to face and clothes with using hair covering and protecting the head. Also SOO-BAL includes personal ornaments using to avoid one's hair be disheveled. In a standpoint of beauty and spirit, etiquette SOO-BAL is a very important thing as one being dressed up. Until now, since just a form of hair style have been studied, hair styling process is nothing to be known and studied. Time after time, our unique traditional SOO-BAL is forgotten with clothes and then this th-esis will be classified hair styling form follow-ing a form of hair style in royal palace of the C-hosun dynasty. According to the record of HAE DONG HISTORY, it shows the same of attire between Ko-rean and chinese style in ae of the chosun. The reason in that there were no any certain boundary border and the interaction of culture between two countries was happened spontaneously at ancient time like the GOCHO-SUN age. Until the period of the three states, the korean attire be changed had gone with chinese one s-imilarly. The chinese form gave to influence on the EONJIN MEURI·POON-GI-MYEONG MEURI·JJO-CJIN MEURI·MOOK-EUN GOONG-BAL MEURI·OL-LIN MEURI·SSANGSANG-TU ME-URI be drawn wall painting in the KOKUR-YU. And a gold chignon accesso-ry unearthed in a MOO-RYOUNG royal mausoleum is proof of the korean attrire be changed with chinese. In the shilla dynasty at three years after Cjin-Deuk(A.D. 649) reign. It was recorded that the dynasty let women wear the form of chinese attire. Also in the koryo dyn-asty, a rod-like hairpin (BIN-YEU) and DANG-GI employing EON-JIN MEURI was used. The SOO-BAL based on the Confucianism had lots of regulations which limited to use ornaments with classes of society in the CHOSUN dynasty. Until YOUNG CHO and CHUNG CHO period. EONJIN MEURI be decorated GACHAE was announced by dynasty as ind-ulging in luxury. Women of yangban used a rod-like hairpin and a chignon accessory made by jewerly. And 1-owly women weared a rod-like hairpin made of born and wood to perfom EONJIN MEURI with PUNCHAE. Most unmarried women decorated with DDA-AH-NEULIN MEURI, GUI-MIT MEURI, specially in palace with SAE-ANG MEURI. At palace, one put on a full dress with KEUN MEURI, and a simple dress with ER-YEO MEURI be decorated DDERL-JAM The CHOP-JI MEURI manifested social rank, class. Kids at CHO-SUN age had BA-DUK-PANMEURI and JONG-JONG MEURI. The ornament things are GACHE, DDERL JAM with EON-JIN M-EURI, and all kinds of rod-like hairpin and chignon accessory used in JJOK MEURI. IN DANGGE, JE-BI-BURI DANGGI used by ummarried women. DO-TOO-RAK DANGGI and AP DANGGI on a dress suit, and BE-SSI DANGGI used by 3∼4 years ungrown kids etc. were used. And at palace, kinds of CHUPJI used with JJOK MEURI showed social rank. In CHOSUN age, women want to keep shiny hair washed at TA-NO festival day, a treatment of bald hair used a forked remedy. In CHOSUN age, woman Soo-Bal hair style has DAE-SOO·DDEU-KOO-JI MEURI·CHO-P-GI MEURI·EON-JIN MEURI·SAE-ANG MEURI· and so on. We could find out Soo-Bal was developed very well by these variety hair styles. I attatched all of the hair style pictures step by step, and also explained detail my research foll owing these pictures.

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정상 청소년에서 맥파 속도와 발목 상완 동맥압 지수에 대한 연구 (Pulse wave velocity and ankle brachial index in normal adolescents)

  • 김지혜;길태영;이희우;홍영미
    • Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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    • 제50권6호
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    • pp.549-555
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    • 2007
  • 목 적 : 성인에서 맥파 속도와 발목 상완 동맥압 지수는 동맥 경직도를 측정할 수 있는 비침습적 방법이며 혈압, 고지혈증 등의 심혈관계 위험 인자와 연관성이 있어 심혈관계 질환과 관련이 있음이 알려져 있다. 본 연구는 우리나라 청소년에서 신장, 체중, 체질량 지수와 혈압, 맥파 속도, 발목 상완 동맥압 지수를 측정하였고 이들 사이의 상관성을 알아보고 정상 기준값를 확립하고자 하였다. 방 법 : 서울 시내 3개 고등학교에 재학 중인 15-16세 사이의 청소년 392명(남자 213명, 여자 179명)을 대상으로 신장, 체중, 체질량지수, 좌우 상완 및 발목의 수축기, 이완기, 평균 혈압과 양측 맥파 속도, 발목 상완 동맥압 지수, 박출 시간, 전구출기를 VP-1000(Colin사, Komaki, Japan)을 이용하여 측정하였다. 결 과 : 사지의 수축기, 이완기 평균 혈압은 남자에서 여자보다 유의하게 높은 값을 보였다(P<0.05). 우측 상완-발목 맥파 속도는 남자에서 $1,015.4{\pm}130.0cm/sec$, 여자에서 $947.6{\pm}105.1cm/sec$로서 남자에서 유의하게 높은 값을 보였다. 좌측 상완 발목 맥파 속도도 마찬가지로 남자에서 $1,023.4{\pm}132.5cm/sec$, 여자에서 $954.6{\pm}102.4cm/sec$로 남자에서 유의하게(P<0.05) 높은 값을 보였다. 발목 상완 동맥압 지수는 남녀 간에 유의한 차이를 보이지 않았다. 우측 상완-발목 맥파 속도의 기준값는 남자에서 1,032.4 cm/sec, 여자에서 963.1 cm/sec이었고, 좌측 상완-발목 맥파 속도는 남자에서 1,041.3 cm/sec, 여자에서 969.7 cm/sec이었다. 우측 발목 상완 동맥압 지수의 기준값은 남자에서 1.06, 여자에서 1.06이었으며, 좌측 발목 상완 동맥압지수의 기준값은 남자에서 1.05, 여자에서 1.06이었다. 맥파 속도는 사지 모두에서 혈압이 높아질수록, 유의한 양의 상관관계를 보였다. 또한 신장이 커질수록, 체중이 증가할수록, 체질량지수가 커질수록 사지의 혈압이 증가하는 유의한 양의 상관관계를 보였다. 반면, 발목 상완 동맥압 지수는 남녀 사이에 유의한 차이가 없었으며, 체중, 신장, 체질량지수 어느 것과도 유의한 상관관계가 없었다. 결 론 : 혈압은 신장, 체중, 체질량지수에 따라 높아지며 맥파 속도와 혈압 사이에도 유의한 양의 상관관계가 있다. 정상 청소년에서 측정한 맥파 속도의 기준값을 바탕으로 심혈관계 질환의 위험도를 조기 발견하고 예측하는데 유용하게 사용할 수 있을 것으로 생각한다.

탄소계 경질 박막의 연구 및 산업 적용 동향 (Trend in Research and Application of Hard Carbon-based Thin Films)

  • 이경황;박종원;양지훈;정재인
    • 한국표면공학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국표면공학회 2009년도 춘계학술대회 논문집
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    • pp.111-112
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    • 2009
  • Diamond-like carbon (DLC) is a convenient term to indicate the compositions of the various forms of amorphous carbon (a-C), tetrahedral amorphous carbon (ta-C), hydrogenated amorphous carbon and tetrahedral amorphous carbon (a-C:H and ta-C:H). The a-C film with disordered graphitic ordering, such as soot, chars, glassy carbon, and evaporated a-C, is shown in the lower left hand corner. If the fraction of sp3 bonding reaches a high degree, such an a-C is denoted as tetrahedral amorphous carbon (ta-C), in order to distinguish it from sp2 a-C [2]. Two hydrocarbon polymers, that is, polyethylene (CH2)n and polyacetylene (CH)n, define the limits of the triangle in the right hand corner beyond which interconnecting C-C networks do not form, and only strait-chain molecules are formed. The DLC films, i.e. a-C, ta-C, a-C:H and ta-C:H, have some extreme properties similar to diamond, such as hardness, elastic modulus and chemical inertness. These films are great advantages for many applications. One of the most important applications of the carbon-based films is the coating for magnetic hard disk recording. The second successful application is wear protective and antireflective films for IR windows. The third application is wear protection of bearings and sliding friction parts. The fourth is precision gages for the automotive industry. Recently, exciting ongoing study [1] tries to deposit a carbon-based protective film on engine parts (e.g. engine cylinders and pistons) taking into account not only low friction and wear, but also self lubricating properties. Reduction of the oil consumption is expected. Currently, for an additional application field, the carbon-based films are extensively studied as excellent candidates for biocompatible films on biomedical implants. The carbon-based films consist of carbon, hydrogen and nitrogen, which are biologically harmless as well as the main elements of human body. Some in vitro and limited in vivo studies on the biological effects of carbon-based films have been studied [$2{\sim}5$].The carbon-based films have great potentials in many fields. However, a few technological issues for carbon-based film are still needed to be studied to improve the applicability. Aisenberg and Chabot [3] firstly prepared an amorphous carbon film on substrates remained at room temperature using a beam of carbon ions produced using argon plasma. Spencer et al. [4] had subsequently developed this field. Many deposition techniques for DLC films have been developed to increase the fraction of sp3 bonding in the films. The a-C films have been prepared by a variety of deposition methods such as ion plating, DC or RF sputtering, RF or DC plasma enhanced chemical vapor deposition (PECVD), electron cyclotron resonance chemical vapor deposition (ECR-CVD), ion implantation, ablation, pulsed laser deposition and cathodic arc deposition, from a variety of carbon target or gaseous sources materials [5]. Sputtering is the most common deposition method for a-C film. Deposited films by these plasma methods, such as plasma enhanced chemical vapor deposition (PECVD) [6], are ranged into the interior of the triangle. Application fields of DLC films investigated from papers. Many papers purposed to apply for tribology due to the carbon-based films of low friction and wear resistance. Figure 1 shows the percentage of DLC research interest for application field. The biggest portion is tribology field. It is occupied 57%. Second, biomedical field hold 14%. Nowadays, biomedical field is took notice in many countries and significantly increased the research papers. DLC films actually applied to many industries in 2005 as shown figure 2. The most applied fields are mold and machinery industries. It took over 50%. The automobile industry is more and more increase application parts. In the near future, automobile industry is expected a big market for DLC coating. Figure 1 Research interests of carbon-based filmsFigure 2 Demand ratio of DLC coating for industry in 2005. In this presentation, I will introduce a trend of carbon-based coating research and applications.

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중국사람들의 매운 맛 기호의 역사적 추이에 대한 논술 (Discuss on the Historical Development and Change of Chinese Piquancy Addiction)

  • 조영광
    • 한국식생활문화학회지
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    • 제23권2호
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    • pp.293-300
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    • 2008
  • 중국은 일찍 농업에 편중하는 식생산전통과 백성들이 어렵게 생계를 유지하는 식생활상태가 형성되었으며 이런 상황은 중국인들이 신랄(辛辣)한 맛에 대한 기호를 결정하였던 것이다. 중국인들이 신랄(辛辣)한 맛을 즐긴 역사는 선사시대까지 거슬러 올라간다. “랄(辣)”자(字)는 “신랄(辛辣)”이라는 단어에서 분리하여 특별히 매운 맛을 의미하는데 즉 일반적인 “신(辛)” 보다 더욱 “신(辛)”하다는 뜻이며 이 문자는 한(漢)나라 이후에야 나타난다. 고추는 명(明)나라 중엽에 해상을 통해 중국대륙에 전해 들어왔고 짧은 기간 내에 중국인들이 제일 보편적으로 식용하고 좋아하는 매운 음식으로 자리 잡았다. 중국에서 고추는 번초(蕃椒), 해초(海椒), 랄각(辣角), 랄호(辣虎), 랄자(辣子) 등 다양한 명칭을 갖고 있는데 이는 그 분포의 지리적 특징과 인문적인 특징을 반영한 것이다. 고추에 대해 최초로 기록한 한문문헌으로는 1591년에 출간된 ${\ulcorner}$존생팔전(尊生八箋)${\lrcorner}$이다. 본 논문에서는 상기 문헌의 고추에 관한 기록에 대한 종래 연구자들의 보편적인 견해와는 다른 새로운 관점을 제기하였다. 고추는 짧은 시간 내에 화초(花椒) 등 허다한 전통적인 매운 양념들을 재치고 결국 중국인들의 고추정서가 형성된 것은 “그 맛이 최고로 매웠던 것(기미최랄(其味最辣))” 및 적응성이 강하고 재배 할 때 소요되는 인력물력도 적게 드는 것과 중국인들이 보편적으로 매운 맛을 즐겼던 정서가 결합된 필연적인 결과라고 하겠다. 관습은 쉽게 개변하지 않고 오래 접하면 자연히 은이 생기며 강한 자극을 통쾌하다고 여기는 인간의 통성(通性)은 매운 맛에 대한 오랜 접촉으로 습관을 형성시키고 세월이 흘러도 고추를 먹는 습관만은 남게 되는 중요한 원인이다. 고추가 중국 대륙에서 불균형하게 보급되어 있는 상황에서 경제생활이 상대적으로 빈곤한 지역일수록 매운 맛에 대한 기호가 보다 강함을 알 수 있다.