• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.197-222
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• 2009

In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.249-278
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• 2009

Zhu-zi(朱子) represented the study of The Book of Odes in Song dynasty and Dai-zhen(戴震) was The Book of Odes researcher representing Wan-pai(a kind of party) in Qing dynasty. Especially Dai-zhen took critical position of Zhu-xi. Comparing Zhu-zi with Dai-zhen in the aspect of The Book of Odes interpretation, this thesis intends to review the difference and the reason of both interpretations. Especially this thesis compares Zhu-zi's interpretation with Dai-zhen's about thirty poems Zhu-zi considered filthy poetry, investigating the differences of their interpretation. Regarding the poetry Zhu-zi considered filthy as refined satire, Dai-zhen had a negative position about Zhu-zi's theory of filthy poetry. As Zhu-zi interpreted the poetry in the first person on the literary view in the time when he interpreted the lyrics in the Feng-shi, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as feeling of words. But as Dai-zhen interpreted the poetry in the third person under a Confucian classic view, he regarded the purpose and the usefulness of poetry as refined satire. In brief, that is to say that Zhu-zi made literary interpretations of feeling of words but Dai-zhen made Confucian classic interpretations of 'Si-wu-xie'(思無邪). These two men's differences about interpretation of The Book of Odes have much importance on the historical aspects of The Book of Odes. So to speak, Dai-zhen had bibliographical approach and described the meaning of poetry objectively, following Mao-shi(毛詩) theory about the interpretation of meaning of poetry, criticizing Zhu-zi's literarary view. Dai-zhen's interpretation of The Book of Odes mentioned Above was made from long vital power of Mao-shi theory and a Confucian classic method. Considering the historical stream of Zhu-zi and Dai-zhen's interpreting The Book of Odes, The Book of Odes will be interpreted and analyzed from the various views in the future.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.81-117
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to clarify the overall features and its meaning of the Gaebyok(開闢) through the intercomparison of the Gaebyok idea that is the core idea of a newly risen modern religion in Korea. Limitation of most studies so far is that they have stayed in the fragmentary study on the Gaebyok idea of each new religion. In order to overcome this problem, first of all, the Gaebyok idea was studied from a philosophical point encompassing the cosmological view of time in the book of changes. And based on this methodological foundation, with organizing the existing result of study, the process of development and characteristics in the Gaebyok idea of a posteriori Donghak(東學), Right I Ching (正易), Won Buddhism(圓佛敎), and Kangjeungsan(姜甑山) was investigated respectively. And through comparing and analyzing each Gaebyok idea, the similarities and differences between each other were organized. The founders of new religions thought that a great change in the universal and natural luck was made before and after the point of their living. The concept of the frequency of revolution theory is the concept to explain the aspect of transition according to the frequency of revolution(運度) of the cosmological nature that returns to the beginning, and in the idea of the posterior Gaebyok, this content and concepts is contained as it was. This study showed that the concept of the frequency of revolution theory in an apriority and a posterior like those becomes appeared in some preaches of Suun, Ilbu, Sotaesan and Jeungsan. An apriority in the Gaebyok idea of new religion is the world of crisis that represents the limited condition of human being, and a posterity means the religious ideal world realized through the power of the absolute being or a dramatic universal change from that limited circumstances. So the Gaebyok ida is a kind of an universal eschatology and religious view that expects the coming of ideal world in the future. In addition, since the universal eschatology is a kind of a view of time, it inevitably has an issue how long time apriority and a posterity included in it have. And especially, it becomes to premise the content how the social condition and human condition change in an apriority and a posterity. Accordingly, in this study, based on the understanding of the view of time in the cosmological level, the content of answers that each newly risen religion discloses was listed and analyzed with comparison. It can be considered that Suun took charge of a mission to deliver the message through being possessed of a god in heaven who is able to be called a transcendental existence, Ilbu disclosed the coming of the world of a posterity beyond an apriority through the Book of Changes(易學), Jeungsan proclaimed himself as the absolute being who could make such a posterity and bring it, and Sotaesan proposed the Gaebyok of mind in order to meet with the world of a posterity and to live in that era.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

This paper examines the persuasive style(論說類) proses of Myeonggog(明谷) Choi, seokjeong(崔錫鼎, 1646~1715). He is a disciple of Namguman(南九萬) and Parksechae(朴世采), and is a man who played an active part by political soron(少論) leader in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. It is also a central figure that links the genealogy of the late Joseon Dynasty, which leads to Namguman(南九萬)-Choiseokjeong(崔錫鼎)-Chotaeeok(趙泰億). He wrote total 14 persuasive style prose. The time of creation is from around 1671 until the end of life. In this paper, the preoses to be analyzed are Sunukron(荀彧論), Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) and Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨). The reverse idea that reverses the existing discussion is outstanding, and the work which is unique in composition is Sunukron(荀彧論). Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) is a work that uses the ryubi(類比) to increase persuasiveness and converts the existing perspective. Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) is a work that attempted to harmonize in the formality of vocabulary, sentence and composition while showing the logical perfection to dismiss the counter-argument's prerequisite. For example, Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) consists of a total of five paragraphs in aspect of composition, each paragraph arranged in good order. In addition, this work presented sequential arguments, used the incremental method which emphasizes the importance of arguments as it moves backward.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.157-183
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to investigate the existence aspects of the Hyangri class in Imsilhyeon, Jeolla Province in the latter half of Joseon based on Woonsuyeonbangseonsaengan, which provides lists of Hyangris in Imsilhyeon from the fourth year(1724) of King Gyeongjong's reign to the early 20th century. It contained the names of total 704 Hyangris, who included 119 Kims, 103 Eoms, 103 Jins, 87 Parks, 86 Muns, 66 Lees, 31 Baeks, 27 Hwangs, and 17 Taes. In addition, there were 12 more family names that produced fewer than ten Hyangris. Based on the share of representative family names among the Hyangris of the area, it is estimated that the dominant family names were Kim, Eom, Jin, Park, Mun, and Lee. Another interesting aspect is that the Jeon and Yang families produced no Hyangris in the 19th century, whereas the Hwang family produced 5% of Hyangris in the century with the Jin family accounting for 10% or more. These findings show that little changes were consistent within the community of Hyangris despite the fact that a couple of families were dominant. The family clans of the family names were checked in Nosogyean, which records that they were the Kim family of Gyeongju, Eom family of Yeongwol, Jin family of Namwon, Park family of Hamyang, Mun family of Nampyeong, and Lee family of Gyeongju. The study then examined the family names of 76 Hojangs that were recorded to hold the Hojang title in Woonsuyeonbangseonsaengan to see whether the family names that produced higher-level Hyangris were the same as the ones above. There was an overall agreement between the family names that produced a lot of Hojangs and those that produced the most Hyangris, but there were differences according to the periods. Six family names produced Hojangs in similar percentage in the 18th century, and only three family names, which were the Jin family of Namwon(13), Mun family of Nampyeong(9), and Eom family of Yeongwol(6), produced more than ten Hojangs in the 19th century. Other noteworthy changes in the 19th century include the rapidly rising frequency of Hojangs serving the term twice or more compared with the 18th century and the concentration of Hojangs on certain family names. These findings indicate that six family names coexisted in the active production of Hyangris in the community of Hyangris in Imsilhyeon in the latter half of Joseon, that there were changes to the family names of higher-level Hyangris internally according to the periods, and that a shift happened toward the leadership of certain family names in the society of Hyangris.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.203-228
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• 2009

ChaeHo Shin's major interests were in the ancient history, among other periods of the Korean history. Shin's depiction of history is characterized by having nation in the heart of history, whose tendency of nationalism was purposefully strong. In general, the nationalism of those times was emphasizing a 'strong' nation, just as in the case of Shin's theory, and at the same time stood for the theory of social evolution with a view to raising the nation in the front line of history. The nationalism, in association with the theory of social evolution, ended up having a propensity that criticizes imperialism on the one hand, and envies it on the other. This inclination is literally shown in Doksasillon (A New Guide to Reading History), which is ChaeHo Shin's research on the ancient history. Doksasillon is a historical essay that was published serially in 50 installments from August 27th through December 13th in 1908. Unlike the existing views in the late 1900s on the ancient history, among other ages of the Korean history, Doksasillon can be called a treatise with a focus on nation. Doksasillon is an incomplete study which can be divided into two parts, introduction and ancient times that is the first volume. It, nevertheless, shows the aspect of a powerful nation activist who tried to surmount the life-and-death crisis of nation by 'recalling' the nation in the period of the late-Joseon and the Korean empire in 1908 and 'rediscovering' the territory. It also reflects a slice of a historian's anguish that attempted to cope with the national crisis by virtue of the 'power' of history. It is ChaeHo Shin who 'rediscovered' the Buyeo tribe as the mainstream of the ancient history of Korea, and recomposed and materialized the ancient history. Shin chose the 'Buyeo tribe' as a principal race, and used it as a representative of the Korean nation in the ancient era, which was because Buyeo and Goguryeo were the strongest. The emphasis laid on the powerful nation in the history of Korea well reflects the efforts of a powerful nation activist in the age of the late-Joseon, and on the other hand, it shows how nationalism came to be formed in Korea. ChaeHo Shin is regarded as a person who lived in the age in which nationalism, which underscores the homogeneity of a nation, had to be stressed as a sole weapon for a nation who was left behind in modernization and whose rights were disseized. Dosasillon shows a process of reconstructing the history of DanKun and the Buyeo tribe and unearthing a hero who was valued as a savior of the nation, which was the reason that ChaeHo Shin wrote a history.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.225-260
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• 2012

The poetry of Haseo Jo Gyeong is first characterized by its fantasy content with mysterious and strange beings such as mountain wizards, gods of flowers, ghosts, Jujos and dragons. Such works imply the huge gap between his political ideal of Neo-Confucianism and the reality of society and are expressions of his resulting sorrow. Of course, he did not just look at reality pessimistically. Like other Neo-Confucianism scholars, he used the symbol of "spring" in his poems, which indicates that he did have optimistic belief in the world in spite of despair. In his poems, the symbol of "spring" implies the political world where the noble man grabbed the power and the sinister groups were extracted or the world where the political ethics of Neo-Confucianism was implemented. His works depicting the essence of natural objects, mountains, and rivers exhibit the characteristics of his poetry more clearly. He described the law of the universe behind natural objects and the vibrant aspects of natural objects by depicting their movements in a clear and sharp manner. Unlike the old Neo-Confucianism scholars that often created poems on the topic of acquirement of natural law and nature, he expanded his poetic world in a direction of revealing the secrets of objects. His works describing the spirit of mountains and rivers are especially noteworthy in that they implied a life attitude of moving forward in an deteriorating world bravely by manifesting strong and dynamic power. Paying attention to the secrets of natural objects, Haseo displayed his life ideal in richer ways by painting the new forms of ume flowers. Unlike the old ume flowers poems in the past, his ume flowers poems present ume flowers as ascetics that obtained truth, men of virtue that inspired contemporary people, or retired gentlemen that revealed the profound secrets of nature. While it is unique that he manifested the forms of ume flowers in ascetics and men of virtue while perceiving the dark reality of society, it is more noteworthy that he described ume flowers as the beings revealing the profound secrets of nature. It was the expression of his yearning for an innocent personality and his fear for losing the personality, clearly depicting a human form of his ego. He created a more human and realistic personality ideal by embracing the contemporary thinking based on the profound secrets of nature in his Dohak poetry[道學詩], which is a significant achievement in that it showed new changes to Dohak poetry in the 18th century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.509-538
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• 2017

After 20thcentury, digital game has placed very important aspect in modern culture and industries. Thus, digital game industries have utilized ancient stories for themes and ideas. This trial is not only spotted in industrial sectors but also in liberal arts. This paper has a purpose to look at factors that can convert components from classic novels into digital games. Especially, it will focus on how researchers of classical literature can affect in different industrial sectors. Current analysis shows that stories, fantasies, items of classic novel can essentially help to create new games. However, a game consists of just more than the previous stated components; it requires rules, outcome, conflicts and voluntary to make the games much more interesting. It is often misunderstood that plot and fantasies in games may be the most significant aspects but they are actually not. Classic novel can help to make the rule of the four standards in creating a fun game. Here are rules that Taewonji suggests. First, gamers need to save the bleak world from a turbulent age. Second, The will of the absolute has the ultimate power, so those who have achieved god's will can raise a new country. Thirdly, the sinocentrism and the outskirts of the country are not imperative but they are adjustable notions. The first and second aspects are commonly found in Samkukjiyeonui. Hence, the pattern is very familiar. The most significant rule is the third determinant since the idea purely came from Taewonji. The main character Im Seong from the story was the center of his home country, but he later becomes the outskirt or the barbarian of the new country. Therefore, the players should maintain the three rules when they are following the plot and using different items in the digital game world. The researchers of classic literature should find rules that are suitable for the game from the classic novels. This way, there is no need to discover a separate field for digital games out of classical literature.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.43
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• pp.7-31
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• 2011

Danjong had suffered the worst misfortune in the history of Lee Dynasty. His throne was usurped by Sejo, his uncle and he was banished to Youngwol where he ended his life for good. Youngwol remembers the last moment of this tragic person clearly through the various traditional stories passed down from the past. In this study, the works assumed to be formed in the contemporary times among Danjong-related stories were targeted. Time of story creation is not known but it could be assumed that the time when heroine of the story was lived may be coincided with the time of traditional story creation, in this story created in a form of experience story. If any objects or elements that may lead to time of traditional story are contained in the story, we may be able to identify the time of traditional story. All of , and were created in the contemporary times. However, these traditional stories are not new at all. If any personal experience story is added on the existing transmitted traditional story, deviation of traditional story near to recreation is taken place. Traditional Danjong story created like this in the contemporary times have some characteristics. First, transmission power of maintaining Danjong story up to the present times was expanded from a nature of misfortune and holiness to general eccentricity. Ability of deity derived from Danjong's grief and grudge is weakened as time goes by and this story is substituted by an amazing things that can be experienced by anybody. Second, at present, Danjong story is transformed to a form of folktale. Danjong story has developed into a myth through deification from a personal legend. This myth is transformed into a folktale everybody can experience in the contemporary times. Third, this story has been recreated in a form of experience story, not a modification. It is said that as the personal experience story is combined with existing traditional stories, a new work of traditional story is created. It could be observed that through contemporary Danjong story, traditional story of historical person could be created in the contemporary times as well and additionally, a process that personal experience story is positioned as a traditional story could be observed. Now is the time to pay attention to various traditional stories being created in the contemporary times like experience stories.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.9-38
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• 2018

Joseon Neo-Confucianism had important disputes throughout its hundred years of history. Starting in mid-16th century, Four-Seven Dispute focused on 'Qing (情, emotion)' while Horak Dispute that emerged in early 18th century put emphasis on whether people and things have the same 'Xing (性, nature).' These two disputes lasted until late Joseon. In that process, their issues were clearly recognized and consequently, characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism were well demonstrated. With Western power surging in since mid-18th century, Joseon Neo-Confucianism should develop logic to cope with the Western power. One of responding logics was Zhulilun (主理論, theory of reason) in Neo-Confucianism. Diverse discussions particularly on 'Xin (心, mind)' were expansively made. From the notion of Xin Tong Xing Qing (心統性情) that Xin converges with Xing and Qing, an argument that Xin should be seen as 'Li (理, reason)' and another that Xin is basically 'Qi (氣, force of nature)' were up against each other. The academia heated up with issues raised such as whether Xin and Mingde (明德, bright virtue) are the same notion and whether Mingde should be seen as 'Li' or 'Qi', etc. Defining morality dispute in the late Joseon along with Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute as 'three major disputes in Joseon Neo-Confucianism,' this paper focuses on clarifying their status, actuality and significance. Morality dispute was not only a theoretical dispute. It has significance in the aspect of 'topicality.' It directly and indirectly affected movements against Western and Japanese power, loyal troop's activities and independence movement as well. Compared to Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute, morality dispute is more complex and expansive. In addition, it requires systematic organization of data. Intercomparison of three major disputes is one of key topics to determine characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.