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Electrochemical Decontamination of Metallic Wastes Contaminated with Uranium Compounds (우라늄화합물로 오염된 금속폐기물의 전해제염)

  • 양영미;최왕규;오원진;유승곤
    • Journal of Nuclear Fuel Cycle and Waste Technology(JNFCWT)
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.11-23
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    • 2003
  • A study on the electrolytic dissolution of SUS-304 and Inconel-600 specimen was carried out in neutral salt electrolyte to evaluate the applicability of electrochemical decontamination process for recycle or self disposal with authorization of large amount of metallic wastes contaminated with uranium compounds generated by dismantling a retired uranium conversion plant in Korea. Although the best electrolytic dissolution performance for the specimens was observed in a Na2s04 electrolyte, a NaNO$_3$ neutral salt electrolyte, in which about 30% for SUS-304 and the same for Inconel-600 in the weight loss was shown in comparison with that in a Na$_2$SO$_4$ solution, was selected as an electrolyte for the electrochemical decontamination of metallic wastes with the consideration on the surface of system components contacted with nitric acid and the compatibility with lagoon wastes generated during the facility operation. The effects of current density, electrolytic dissolution time, and concentration of NaNO$_3$ on the electrolytic dissolution of the specimens were investigated. On the basis of the results obtained through the basic inactive experiments, electrochemical decontamination tests using the specimens contaminated with uranium compounds such as UO$_2$, AUC (ammonium uranyl carbonate) and ADU (ammonium diuranate) taken from an uranium conversion facility were performed in 1M NaNO$_3$ solution with the current density or In mA/$\textrm{cm}^2$. it was verified that the electrochemical decontamination of the metallic wastes contaminated uranium compounds was quite successful in a NaNO$_3$ neutral salt electrolyte by reducing $\alpha$ and $\beta$ radioactivities below the level of self disposal within 10 minutes regardless of the type of contaminants and the degree of contamination.

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Shadow of War Covering the Steam Punk Animations (스팀펑크 애니메이션에 드리운 전쟁의 그늘 -미야자키 하야오 감독의 작품을 중심으로-)

  • Oh, Jin-hee
    • Cartoon and Animation Studies
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    • s.46
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    • pp.63-84
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    • 2017
  • Overwhelming images of vividly colored aircraft flying across the blue sky and steam gushing from massive machines are reminiscent of Japanese animation films, especially of works by master director Hayao Miyazaki. By presenting together steam engines, which are mechanical devices of the Industrial Age in the past, and aircraft of the future age, the director constructs ambiguous space and time. These special time and space constitute nostalgia for past time, with devices called steam engines as a medium, and a longing for science and the future as represented by aircraft. In addition, the anticipation and disappointment, ideals and regrets of humans who see these two from the perspective of the present are projected on the works. This shares the characteristic of the steam punk genre, which seeks to return to the past rather than to face current problems. A subgenre of science fiction (henceforth "sci-fi"), steam punk reflects fundamental skepticism of science and technology and mechanized civilization, which have developed beyond human control. In addition, as works that clearly display such characteristics, director Miyazaki's and < $Nausica{\ddot{a}}$ of the Valley of Wind> can be examined. With spectacles of steam engines and aircraft, these two works enticingly visualize narratives about nature and humans and about the environment and destruction. Such attractiveness on the part of the master director's works has led to support from fans worldwide. However, often in the backgrounds of director Miyazaki's works, which have depicted ideal worlds of nature, environment, and community as highly concentrated fantasies, lie presuppositions of war and the end of the world. As works that are especially prominent in such characteristics, there are and . These two works betray the expectations of the audience by establishing the actual wartime as the temporal background and proceeding toward narratives of reality. Trapped in the ontological identity of the director himself, the war depicted by him projects a subjective and romantic attitude. Such a problem stems also from the ambiguity of the hybrid space and time, which is basic to the steam punk genre. This is because the basic characteristic of steam punk is to transplant past time, which humans were able to control, in the future from a perspective of optimism and longing via steam engines rather than to face current problems. In this respect, steam punk animation films in themselves can be seen as having significance and limitations at the same time.

A Study of Portrait of Yang Zhuxi housed in the Palace Museum in Beijing (원대(元代)의 왕역(王繹)·예찬(倪瓚) 합작 <양죽서소상(楊竹西小像)> 연구)

  • Chang, June-gu
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.2
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    • pp.114-131
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    • 2014
  • The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

A Research of Cultural Heritage and Business Value of the Juk-Bang-Ryeum(Fishing Instrument made-by Bamboo Weir) (죽방렴의 문화유산적 가치와 비즈니스적 가치 탐색 연구)

  • Kang, Myeong Hwa;Lee, Kyung-Joo;Kwon, Hojong;Jeong, Dae-Yul
    • Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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    • v.8 no.12
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    • pp.425-435
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the cultural value as well as business value of Juk-Bang-Ryeum(fishing instrument made by bamboo weir) by the investigation of remains in Gyeongnam Sacheon area and reviewing various historical literatures. The research will contribute to make back data necessary for the registration of World Heritage(UNESCO) and Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems(FAO). Fisheries, along with agriculture, have been great significance in human history. In particular, the Fisheries has been considered very important industry due to the geopolitical characteristics of our country surrounded by the sea. We can imagine may types of fishing practices and instruments at the agricultural age. Nonetheless, there are a few fishery heritages such as collecting and hunting tools that remains today. Fortunately, there are many Juk-Bang-Ryeum which is actually operate now from the past 500 years ago at the The Sacheon and Namhae areas. We could found some literature records about it in the historical ancient literatures. We could also infer that Juk-Bang-Ryeum was an important fishery resource of the country for a long time. It was built on the basis of scientific principles to capture fishes using the rapid tide of the natural geological straits, and it prove the wisdom of our ancestors. We also could found some unique cultural heritages that was important to the local community. Naturally, it has been managed as an important asset for the residents. In addition to such historical and humanistic values, it also has business and educational value. It can be useful to understand scientific fishery principles as well as fishery experience field. It has business value as an important tourism resource in the region in connection with historical relics and geological environment resources. In conclusion, it is a valuable asset to be handed down as a valuable cultural heritage.

The actual aspects of North Korea's 1950s Changgeuk through the Chunhyangjeon in the film Moranbong(1958) and the album Corée Moranbong(1960) (영화 <모란봉>(1958)과 음반 (1960) 수록 <춘향전>을 통해 본 1950년대 북한 창극의 실제적 양상)

  • Song, Mi-Kyoung
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.43
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    • pp.5-46
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    • 2021
  • The film Moranbong is the product of a trip to North Korea in 1958, when Armangati, Chris Marker, Claude Lantzmann, Francis Lemarck and Jean-Claude Bonardo left at the invitation of Joseon Film. However, for political reasons, the film was not immediately released, and it was not until 2010 that it was rediscovered and received attention. The movie consists of the narratives of Young-ran and Dong-il, set in the Korean War, that are folded into the narratives of Chunhyang and Mongryong in the classic Chunhyangjeon of Joseon. At this time, Joseon's classics are reproduced in the form of the drama Chunhyangjeon, which shares the time zone with the two main characters, and the two narratives are covered in a total of six scenes. There are two layers of middle-story frames in the movie, and if the same narrative is set in North Korea in the 1950s, there is an epic produced by the producers and actors of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon as a complete work. In the outermost frame of the movie, Dong-il is the main character, but in the inner double frame, Young-ran, who is an actor growing up with the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and a character in the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, is the center. The following three OST albums are Corée Moranbong released in France in 1960, Musique de corée released in 1970, and 朝鮮の伝統音樂-唱劇 「春香伝」と伝統樂器- released in 1968 in Japan. While Corée Moranbong consists only of the music from the film Moranbong, the two subsequent albums included additional songs collected and recorded by Pyongyang National Broadcasting System. However, there is no information about the movie Moranbong on the album released in Japan. Under the circumstances, it is highly likely that the author of the record label or music commentary has not confirmed the existence of the movie Moranbong, and may have intentionally excluded related contents due to the background of the film's ban on its release. The results of analyzing the detailed scenes of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, Farewell Song, Sipjang-ga, Chundangsigwa, Bakseokti and Prison Song in the movie Moranbong or OST album in the 1950s are as follows. First, the process of establishing the North Korean Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon in the 1950s was confirmed. The play, compiled in 1955 through the Joseon Changgeuk Collection, was settled in the form of a Changgeuk that can be performed in the late 1950s by the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon between 1956 and 1958. Since the 1960s, Chunhyangjeon has no longer been performed as a traditional pansori-style Changgeuk, so the film Moranbong and the album Corée moranbong are almost the last records to capture the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and its music. Second, we confirmed the responses of the actors to the controversy over Takseong in the North Korean creative world in the 1950s. Until 1959, there was a voice of criticism surrounding Takseong and a voice of advocacy that it was also a national characteristic. Shin Woo-sun, who almost eliminated Takseong with clear and high-pitched phrases, air man who changed according to the situation, who chose Takseong but did not actively remove Takseong, Lim So-hyang, who tried to maintain his own tone while accepting some of modern vocalization. Although Cho Sang-sun and Lim So-hyang were also guaranteed roles to continue their voices, the selection/exclusion patterns in the movie Moranbong were linked to the Takseong removal guidelines required by North Korean musicians in the name of Dang and People in the 1950s. Second, Changgeuk actors' response to the controversy over the turbidity of the North Korean Changgeuk community in the 1950s was confirmed. Until 1959, there were voices of criticism and support surrounding Taksung in North Korea. Shin Woo-sun, who showed consistent performance in removing turbidity with clear, high-pitched vocal sounds, Gong Gi-nam, who did not actively remove turbidity depending on the situation, Cho Sang-sun, who accepted some of the vocalization required by the party, while maintaining his original tone. On the other hand, Cho Sang-seon and Lim So-hyang were guaranteed roles to continue their sounds, but the selection/exclusion patterns of Moranbong was independently linked to the guidelines for removing turbidity that the Gugak musicians who crossed to North Korea had been asked for.

The Establishment of Seongjusa Temple and the Production of Iron Buddhas (성주사 창건과 철불 조성 연구)

  • Kang Kunwoo
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.10-39
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    • 2023
  • Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.