• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.90-94
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• 2013

Purpose: In the PET/CT images, various artifacts cause degradation of the quantitative assessment. Most hotspot generated by radiopharmaceutical injection errors cause an artifact and degrade the quality of the images as well as the accuracy of the quantitative evaluation. The purpose of this study is to assess effectiveness of the elimination of the hotspot at the injection sites using shifting the center of DFOV (Display Field of View, DFOV) method and evaluate the quantitative evaluation of result. Materials and Methods: GE Discovery STE 16 (GE Healthcare, Milwaukee, USA) and 1994 NEMA phantom were used for imaging acquisition. Phantom was filled with 0.005 MBq/mL of $^{18}F-FDG$. A hotspot was artificially placed on the outside of the phantom. The ratio of hotspot area activity to background area activity was regulated as 200:1. After image acquisition with routine protocol, all of the images were reconstructed using the shifting the center of DFOV method that wasn't overlapped with hotspot. Those images obtained before and after applying the shifting reconstruction method were compared. ROIs (Region Of Interests) were set in the hotspot areas, meanSUVs and standard deviations were calculated. Percentage differences were calculated with those meanSUVs and standard deviations. The evaluation on the effects of the shifting reconstruction method was done by comparison of the meanSUVs and the standard deviations, which were calculated for background areas unaffected by hotspot. Results: In the areas of unaffected by hotspot, meanSUVs before and after applying the shifting of center of DFOV method were $0.67{\pm}0.06g/mL$ and $0.65{\pm}0.06g/mL$, respectively. In the artifact areas affected by hotspot, meanSUVs before and after applying the shifting of center of DFOV method were $0.32{\pm}0.08g/mL$ and $0.56{\pm}0.12g/mL$, respectively. The percentage differences of the area adjacent to the hotspot and the area distant from the hotspot were 65.3% and 97.4%, respectively. Conclusion: In the PET/CT images, meanSUV was improved by 32.1% when the effect of artifact was removed with application of the shifting the center of DFOV methode. In other areas unaffected by artifacts, meanSUVs were not significantly different after applying DFOV center shift method. As shown in the result, adverse effects of hotspot made by swelling in the injection site can be reduced by applying DFOV center shift method. Therefore, DFOV center shift method can be applied for the more precise quantitative evaluation, and contribute to the increase of the diagnostic value of the images.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.46-57
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• 2014

This study contemplated the gardening culture from the pictures, which the scholars of late Joseon Dynasty, the aspects of garden landscapes and garden use behaviors are drawn as follows. 1. The yard by the detached house for men and guest in front of the premises(Sarang Madang) and backyard were the major places for Ahoi(social gatherings of the scholars). The mansions had interests in the management of the outer garden beyond the house wall with building structures like the pavilions on the high walls and side gates. This management and the selection of location anticipating in advance of the management are noteworthy. 2. Only house gardens had plant pots with flowers and the small flower bed(Hwa-O) at Sarang Madang occasionally had plant pots without flowers and oddly shaped stone pots and equipped pine branch eaves and traditional awnings made of plant material like a trellis. 3. The oddly shaped stones were significant landscape elements in the gardens of houses and villas. Some of them were depicted as the Taihu stone and this draws attention to the question of whether the Taihu stone was actually used in the garden of late Joseon Dynasty. 4. The gardens in villas accommodated the borrowed scenery with various materials like wooden fences, bamboo or reed fences, mud walls. They also had the artificial gardens with some odd shaped stones, old pines, bamboos, Japanese apricots, willows, paulownia trees, lotuses and plantains in the secured Madangs. 5. Gyeong Hwa Sa Jog(The scholars of the ruling class adapted to the 18th century's new historical aspect) of late Joseon Dynasty built the villas at the beautiful scenery closed to the their houses. 6. The Gardens around pavilions were located high closed to the mountain streams with nature like beautiful forests, oddly formed rocks, precipitous cliffs and viewing stones. The back side of the pavilion was enclosed by bamboo forests and the front had pines, ginkgoes and willows as shade trees. 7. The beautiful scenery which was preferred as the place for Ahoi was basically with fantastic peaks and precipitous cliffs which forms the distant view harmonized with a waterfall. Broad and flat rocks at the summit of a mountain which commands a bird's-eye view or on a mountain streamside with pine forest, willows and plum trees were chosen as the optimal places for Ahoi. 8. Pine trees were presumed to be more preferable than other species in the garden, especially an single planted old pine tree accented symbolism. 9. Portable tea braziers for boiling tea were adopted in all four types of the gardens. 10. The gardens mixed with auspicious landscape elements were the places of the arts for an unworldliness Ahoi through GeumGiSeoHwa(enjoying strings, go, writing and painting) and boiling tea.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.58-68
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• 2017

The conclusion of this research after analyzing and interpreting the landscape structure and meaning of Yeongsajeongpalkyung (永思亭八景) that appears in Yeongsajeongpalyeongsi(永思亭八詠詩) of Cheonggye(靑溪) Yang, Dae-bak(梁大樸, 1544~1592) and through document studies, poetry and painting analysis and interpretation, and site investigation, is as follows. Yeongsajeong and its nearby lands are the area of "Yeongsa", where the builder, Ahn, Jeon(安?, 1518~1571) worshipped towards the grave of ancestors, and Yeongsajeongpalkyung oversees a family burial ground in Namwon, centering around Yeongsajeong such as Yocheon, Geumseokgyo and Cheonggyedong, and Sunjagang River and Mountain Jiri, which are the foot hold and key points of advantageous scenic views in Namwon. Yeongsajeongpalkyung, unlike general Jeongjapalkyung, shows a panoramic bird's-eye structure overseeing the landscape and scenery of the Yocheon area and Sunjagang River, in addition to Yeongsajeong, while show in a transition of location, a multi-view structure and time. The trace of visual unity with Sosangpalkyung of China can be seen in many places in Yeongsajeongpalkyung, which seems to be a transitional feature of composing poems regarding Palgyeong during the mid-Joseon dynasty, which pursues harmony with the local landscape of the Namwon area. The 'Changsongchwijuk(蒼松翠竹)' appearing in each of the first and second scenic views of Palgyeong and Yeongsajeongpalyeong can be understood as an incarnation of Yang, Dae-bak, the author of Palyeongsi or Ahn, Jeon, the builder of Yeongsajeong. On the other hand, as a result of interpreting the yin-yang features of poetic diction and picture elements appearing in the subtitle of Yeongsajeongpalyeong, Palyeongsi seems mostly full of yin-like elements and Palgyeongdo. Moreover, as a result of comparing and analyzing the acts expressed in and acts described in Yeongsajeongpalyeong, based on the fact that the reis almost no common ground between the two media except for Soongangmowoo, the third scenic view, the formal similarity between the two media can be acknowledged, however, it is difficult to discover any substantive 'integrity of poetry and painting'.

• Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.65-74
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• 2013

A research program for the roe deer (Capreolus pygargus) has been set up at the Jeju Experimental Forest of Warm-temperate and Subtropical Forest Research Center in Jeju Island. To explore the home range size and habitat environment, 3 males and 3 females have been captured and released with GPS-CDMA based telemetry since 24th April 2012. Among them 2 females were captured at Hannam Forest of Seoguipo, were pregnant and monitored by the tracking system. There are significantly different patterns in behavior around the parturition. After parturition they show recurrence behavior toward one point in the forest, while they have irregular patterns in moving before. To calculate the home range size, the MCP (minimum convex polygon) and Kernel Method are applied through the extension of ESRI ArcView GIS 3.2a. The pregnant female captured 9th May 2012 has the size of MCP=67ha and Kernel 95%=0.5ha and the pregnant female captured 12th July 2012 has the size of MCP=82ha and Kernel 95%=0.9ha. Although a fawn could move immediately just after the birth likely others to avoid any risks, they stay at very narrow space significantly, and the size become wider when more time goes by. Furthermore, they mainly have a home range away from human activity area such as forest tracking roads. The habitat environment for the parturition is summarized as 40years old cryptomeria forests with new sprouting shrubs for foods, which are the controlled forest through the thinning and removing shrubs 2 years ago. This means that forest works could cause positive results for the parturition and survival of young. The period of parturition is earlier than highland in Jeju Island, the size of home range is narrower than other countries, and the habitat environment of the shelter for a fawn is similar to previous research in other countries.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.131
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• pp.199-222
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• 2014

This essay aims at clarifying Dasan Jeong Yagyong's view on Jingfang's yaobian theory. As is well known, Jingfang was a scholar of the Earlier Han period who exerted a profound influence on the theoretical development of Xiangshu School by creating the various techniques for interpreting the Zhouyi. Jingfang is also important in relation with Dasan's commentary of the Zhouyi, because some part of Dasan's interpreting techniques are thought to have their origin in Jinfang. For example, Dasan used the bigua theory of which the origin could be traced back into Jingfang. However, in this article, I did not deal with the bigua theory because I am going to write another article about it. In stead, my focus will be put on analyzing how Dasan evaluated Jingfang's yaobian theory. The main issues of my argument can be summarized as following. Firstly, in terms of yaobian, Jeong Yagyong called attention to Jingfang's annotation on the Zhouyi in which Jingfang utilized the yaobian method in three occasions, i.e., the first nine of the Qian(乾初九), the sixth nine of the Guan(觀上九), and the sixth nine of the Bo(剝上九). It seems that Jeong Yagyong set forth enough evidence about Jingfang's use of yaobian at least in relation to two cases of the first nine of the Qian and the sixth nine of the Bo, while the other evidence of the sixth nine of the Guan was not so persuasive. However, even if it is evident that Jingfang made use of the yaobain in two cases, there is no reason to equate it with that of Dasan. If one takes a close look, it becomes clear that Jingfang's way of yaobain is very different from Dasan's. Secondly, Jeong Yagyong mentioned Jiayi(賈誼) who lived about one hundred years before Jingfang, as the person who utilized the yaobian in his book of Xinshu(新書). If it is certain that Jiayi was aware of the yaobian, we can assume that the yaobian technique had been handed down from Jiayi to Jingfang. The manuscript excavated from the Mawangdui tomb also increases the possibility that Jiayi could have had the knowledge on the yaobian. In the chapter of Muhe(繆和) of the Mawangdui Zhouyi, there appears the phrase, i.e., "the first six of the qian, qian goes to mingyi," which shows exactly the same form of the yaobian in the Mr Zuo's Spring and Autumn Annals(春秋左氏傳). The burial period of Mawangdui tomb is estimated at the same year of B.C.168 in which Jiayi died. Therefore, judging from that fact, it becomes evident that the yaobain method was widely diffused around B.C.168. Subsequently, it is possible to infer that the yaobian method had been handed down from the period of Jiayi to Jingfang. If we could present the persuasive evidence to support that inference, it would also have the effect of consolidating Dasan's argument about the yaobian.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.79-97
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• 2008

Four Wangs' landscape style (四王山水畵風), which had appeared in Beijing in the early 18th century, widely spread to Korea and Japan in the 19th century and became a significant basis for developing new painting styles in both countries. It was first introduced to Korea by Shin Wi (申緯) and Kim Jeong-hee (金正喜) who associated with literary men of the Qing Dynasty. Being influenced by them directly or indirectly, Shin Myeong-yeon (申命淵), Yi Han-cheol (李漢喆), Yu Suk (劉淑), Changv Seung-eop (張承業), An Choog-sik (安中植), and Jo Seok-jin (趙錫晋) attempted to adapt Four Wangs' landscape style and it later became a main Stream painting style of the Korean painting circles. Based on Four Wangs' landscape style, their landscape paintings had something in common in that they captured natural features from a short distance using the Down-Up prospective and placed guardian mountains across mountain streams by making a tall tree in the right or left bottom of the canvas as the starting point. However, recently unveiled court painter An Geon-yeong (1841~1876)'s the Landscape Screen is remarkable in that it is based on Four Wangs' style, which was in fashion in the late 19th century, but shows different aspects from other Four Wangs' style paintings in terms of feature capturing, brush stroke and colors. While most of An Geon-yeong's existing paintings are small ones, this folding screen is a big piece consisting of six-fold landscape paintings. In particular, it shows new aspects by creating a serene and calm atmosphere through the description of various landscape scenes with thin brush strokes using glossy ink, by showing a macroscopic view in some paintings through feature capture using a birds-eye view method, and by giving life to the canvas through smoke and clouds. This painting style is considered to be linked with those of Wang Xue-hao (王學浩, 1754~1832), Tang Yifen (湯貽汾, 1778~1853) and Dai Xi (戴熙, 1801~1860), based on Four Wangs' style in the early 19th century's Jiangnan Circle (江南 畵壇), who tried to express the energy and vitality of real landscapes by going around China's well-known mountains and complementing painting styles with drawing from nature. Therefore, An Geon-yeong's six-fold Landscape Screen is very significant as a rare case proving the introduction and reception of Jiangnan Circle's Four Wangs' landscape style which was different in many aspects from Beijing Circle in the 19th century.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.1-18
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• 2011

This study has been examined characteristics of Yeoju Lee family, rich group at Miryang in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, around Geumsidang(今是堂) Lee Gwang-jin remains as a cultural landscape appeared in pictures, poetry, and a strange story. Geumsidang Lee Gwang-jin returned to his old home abandoned the middle government post after the death of Moonjeong queen in socially confused stage and tried to manage an annex to a Geumsidang located in Baekgok of Eungchun riverside, and Geumsidang he managed was affected by his teacher and uncle Wolyoun Lee Tae of a view of nature, filial behavior, and nature management etc. Also, 'Painting of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang' is landscape painting with the actual view not like the '8 landscapes of So-Sang' or '8 landscapes of Sa-Si' which is abstract landscape and Lee Gyeong-hong drew 12 landscapes of Geumsidang that includes Angbong(鶯峰: nightingale peak), Yongdu mountain(龍頭山), Mubong Buddhist temple(舞鳳寺), Maam mountain(馬巖山), Wolyeon-dae(月淵臺), Saindang village(舍人堂村), Youngnam-ru(嶺南樓), Miryang eubseong(密陽邑城), Eyeonso(梨淵沼: pear tree deep water), Yullim(栗林: chestnut tree forest), Miryang river(密陽江), Sammundong fields(沙門野), land and government office owned by Yeoju Lee family as landscape objects. 'Poems of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang' by Lee Yong-gu 11th sons of Lee Gwang-jin was written based on 'Painting of 12 landscapes to Geumsidang', and sang for time, season, and changes of the weather. All 12 poems are all a quatrain with seven Chinese characters in each line consisted of all 28 words, but does not match completely with shown elements in pictures because it is not a simple description of pictures but it is recreated by writer's personality. Therefore these painting shows not only th meaning of filial behavior but also village owned by Yeoju Lee family rich group in Miryang, and these poem recreated the pictures by changing as certain scenic spot with the object of enforcing territory of Yeoju Lee family.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.124-136
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• 2011

In landscape architecture, plants play an important role in realizing the intention of the architect and user- behavior as well as an ecology and appearance of the space for them. However, it is true that many researches have focused on ecological characteristics of plants, their cultivation environment and symbolic meanings in traditional terms, while relatively few for the analysis of the aspects of each period through plants. For this, cherry trees that we often see around are selected and their introduction, propagation, development and symbolism from the view of chronicle are studied and the results are followings; Firstly, three-year seedlings of 1,500 pieces of cherry tree from Osaka and Tokyo were planted for the first time in Oieseongdae, Namsan Park, Seoul. Since then, they had been widely planted at traditional sites, modern parks, newly-constructed roads for street trees, and for this, the Japanese Government-General of Chosun had actively supported by its direct cultivation and selling of cherry trees. The spread of cherry trees planted raised the question of whether or not Prunus yedoensis is originated from Jeju Island. Secondly, such massive and artificial planting of them had become attractions over the time and mass media at that time also had actively promoted it. And such trend made the day and night picnic under the cherry blossoms one of the most representative cultures of enjoying spring in Seoul. Thirdly, although general people enjoyed cherry blossoms, but they had dual view and attitude for cherry trees, which were well expressed in their use of them: for example, cherry blossoms, aeng and sakura were used altogether for same meaning, but night aeng or night picnic under cherry blossoms were especially used instead of yojakura when mentioning just pleasure, which meant some saw night enjoying cherry blossoms a low culture. Fourth, symbolic space of Chosun had been transformed into the space for enjoyment and consumption. Anyone who paid entrance fee could enjoy performance of revugirl, cinema and entertainment along with enjoying cherry blossoms. The still-existing strict differentiation of enjoyment culture by social status, class and ethnicity was dismantled from that trend and brought about a kind of disorder. From this, we could find that cherry blossoms had made a great contribution to the change of traditional enjoyment culture over the Japanese colonial period and become a popular spring enjoyment.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.48
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• pp.41-155
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• 2024

Among the records that attest to the period from July to August of 1863, when Suwun was believed to have transmitted the orthodox lineage to Haewol, the oldest documents are The Collection of Suwun's Literary Works (水雲文集), The Collection of Great Master Lord's Literary Works (大先生主文集), and The Records of Dao Origin of Master Choe's Literary Collection (崔先生文集道源記書, hereafter referred to as The Records of Dao Origin). The records regarding Suwun in these three documents are considered to have originated from the same context. The variances embedded in the three documents have led to arguments about which documents accurately reflect the fact of orthodox lineage transmission. Additionally, these variances highlight the necessity of a review regarding the characteristics of early Eastern Learning, such as its faith and organizational systems. Accordingly, by thoroughly examining these three documents, it is possible to elucidate the chronological order, establishment-date, accuracy, descriptive direction, and characteristics of the faith system of early Eastern Learning as these are reflected in each document. If successful, this examination would provide a clearer description of the developmental process of Eastern Learning from 1860 to 1880, facilitating a more in-depth analysis of the significance embedded in various forms of discourse on the movement's orthodox lineage transmission. In comparing the three documents and contrasting them with related sources, the results of the textual examination assert that the documents within the lineage of The Collection of Suwun's Literary Works, given they lack a clear record of the event regarding Haewol's orthodox lineage succession, may be the first draft of The Collection of Great Master Lord's Literary Works and The Records of Dao Origin, as these texts distinctly include that record. This reflects that Haewol's succession was not precisely recognized within and outside of the Eastern Learning order until the time when The Collection of Great Master Lord's Literary Works and The Records of Dao Origin were published. This is further attested to by the fact that during the late 1870s, when various Yeonwon (fountainhead) factions of Eastern Learning began to converge around Haewol, and his Yeonwon became the largest organization within Eastern Learning. At that point, the order's doctrine was reinterpreted, and its organization was reestablished. In this regard, it is necessary to view Eastern Learning after Suwun-especially the orthodox lineage transmission to Haewol-from a perspective that considers it more as competing forms of discourse than as a historical fact. This view enables a new perspective on Haewol's Eastern Learning, which forms a distinct layer from Suwun's, shedding light on the relationship between Haewol and the new religious movements in modern-day Korea.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.75-99
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• 1991

A quantitative analysis was carried out to monitor the commercial yield level of walleye pollock Theragra chalcogramma in the east coast of Korea, based on available data on catch and fishing effort, catch per unit of effort including fish prices from 1911 to 1988, using a traditional yield model. The results from the quantitative assessment were based to estimate maximum economic yield (MEY) and optimal fishing effort (E-opt) at MEY. On the other hand, interaction aspects between danish seine fishery and trawl fishery mainly targeting walleye pollock in the east coast of Korea were studied to predict optimal situation in fishing effort level from economic point of view which gives the most benefits to the two fisheries. Total production of walleye pollock in 1911 when its catch record was begun for the first time was about 12, 000 metric tons(M/T), and then the catch trend maintained nearly at the level of 50, 000 M/T per annum, showing a decreasing trend until 1930. The highest production from historical data base on walleye pollock fishery statistics was from the years in 1939 and 1940, about 270, 000 M/T and 26, 000 M/T, respectively. No production of the fish species was recorded during the years from 1943 to 1947, and from 1949 to 1951. From 1952 onwards annual production was only available from the southern part of 38$^{\circ}$N in the east coast. During two decades from 1952 to 1970, the production had sustained about less than 30, 000 M/T every year. Annual production showed an increasing trend from 1971, reaching a maximum level of approximately 162, 000 M/T in 1981. Afterwards, it has deceased sharply year after year and amounted to 180, 000 M/T in 1988. The catch composition of walleye pollock for different fishery segments during 1970~1988 showed that more than 70% of the total catch was from danish seine fishery until 1977 but from 1978 onwards, the catch proportion did not differ from one another, accounting for the nearly same proportion. Catch per unit of effort (CPUE) for both danish seine fishery and trawl fishery maintained a decline tendency after 1977 when the values of CPUE were at level of 800 kg/haul for the former fishery and 1, 300 kg/haul for the latter fishery, respectively. CPUEs of gillnet fishery during 1980~1983 increased to about 3.5 times as high value as in the years, 1970~1979 and during 1987~1988 it decreased again to the level of the years, 1970~1978. The bottom longline fishery's CPUE wa at a very low level (20 kg/basket) through the whole study years, with exception of the value (60 kg/basket) in 1980. Fishing grounds of walleye pollock in the east coast of Korea showed a very limited distribution range. Danish seine fishery concentrated fishing around the coastal areas of Sokcho and Jumunjin during January~February and October~December. Distributions of fishing grounds of trawl fishery were the areas along the coastal regions in the central part of the east coast. Gillnet and bottom longline fisheries fished walleye pollock mainly in the areas of around Sokcho and Jumunjin during January~February and December. Relationship between CPUEs' values from danish seine fishery and trawl fishery was used to standardize fishing effort to apply to surplus production model for estimating maximum sustainable yield (MSY) and optimum fish effort (F-opt) at MSY. The results suggested a MSY of 114, 000 M/T with an estimated F-opt of 173, 000 hauls per year. Based on the estimates of MSY and F-opt, MEY was estimated to be about 94, 000 M/T with a range of 81, 000 to 103, 000 M/T and E-opt 100, 000 hauls per year with a range of 80, 000 to 120, 000 hauls. The estimated values of MEY and E-opt corresponded to 82% of MSY and 58% of F-opt, respectively. An optimal situation in the fishing effort level, which can envisage either simultaneously maximum yield or maximum benefit for both danish seine fishery and trawl fishery, was determined from relationship between revenue and cost of running the fleet : the optimal fishing effort of danish seine fishery was about 52, 000 hauls per year, corresponding to 50 danish seiners and 27, 000 hauls per year which is equal nearly to 36 trawlers, respectively. It was anticipated that the net income from sustainable yield estimated from the respective optimal fishing effort of the two fisheries will be about 3, 800 million won for danish seine fishery and 1, 000 million won for trawl fishery.