• 산업진흥연구
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• 제7권4호
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• pp.85-95
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• 2022

본 연구는 전통사회와 현대를 이어주는 제례(祭禮)가 의례(儀禮)의 전승(傳乘)이라는 관점에서 제례진설에 나타난 상징성의 의미를 분석하고자 한다. 전통의례의 삶과 죽음에 대한 유교적 생사관과 사상적 바탕이 되었던 음양오행론, 우주구조의 이해와 사시(四時)의 변화로 나타난다. 제사상의 진설이 조상의 존재를 인정하고 상징체계를 통해 산 자와 죽은 자가 시간과 공간적으로 소통하는 의례적 도구로 이해하였다. 또한 사계절과 하늘·땅·지하의 공간을 제수(祭需)의 선정과 배열을 통해 상징화하고 구체화하였다. 현대 제례진설에서 위치를 결정하는 요인은 대상에 대한 시·공간적 분석을 필요로 한다. 이는 제물이 기능적 역할 뿐만 아니라 제물을 통해 표현하고자 하는 시·공간적 상징성으로 이해되기 때문이다. 본 연구에서는 제례진설에 나타난 사상적 배경과 상징체계에 대한 논의를 통해 제례문화의 계승이라는 관점에서 고찰하는데 의의가 있다.

• 복식
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• 제54권4호
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• pp.55-62
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• 2004

The ceremonies were roughly categorized into four： coming of age, marriage, funeral and ancestral worship. Among them, the funeral was a representative example to show ancestral worship. As it symbolizes the worship to ancestors, its procedure was complicated and formalized. It was undoubtedly certain that formalized mourning dresses and complicated table setting for sacrificial services to ancestors were burdens. Although what was symbolized by mourning dresses was different depending on the wearers purposes, it was thought that no clothing had such unusual symbolism as mourning dress. When the composition of mourning dress was examined, it was shown that Taoism, family relation of Confucianism or symbolic clothing system of Shamanism were combined. Mourning dress first represented the Confucian idea of ancestral worship. For the composition of clothing in which a shamanistic element was inherent, forms of birds were used to guide the dead soul to the other world. In cutting out mourning dress, opposite concepts of Yin and Yang, and closure and openness were used to show a harmony between heaven and the earth. Male and female were represented through sewing techniques. The period of observing the mourning period depended on the degree of kinship. The degree to which the clothing was loose indicated the degree of sadness and kinship. Load blocks and tear pads indicated the degree of sadness. In considering the above indicators, family relation and filial piety to ancestors had a great effect on the form and details of mourning dress. Shamanistic elements as well as Confucian ones were inherent in mourning dress, which resulted in the combination of Taoism and Confucianism.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제33호
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• pp.253-278
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• 2008

"삼국유사(三國遺事)"는 고대(古代)의 의례(儀禮)를 살펴볼 수 있는 귀중한 자료로 민속학적으로 그 가치가 높이 평가된다. 그러므로 필자는 여기에 주목하고, "삼국유사"에 나타난 의례(儀禮), 특히 관(冠) 혼(婚) 상(喪) 제례(祭禮)에 대하여 살펴보았다. "삼국유사"에 나타난 관례는 왕이나 귀족계층들의 자제들이 행했으며, 그 연령도 13세, 15세, 18세로 추정되는데 확실하지 않다. 고대에는 우리 나름대로의 관례를 행했던 것으로 보인다. "삼국유사"에 나타난 혼례, 그 중에서 수로왕과 허황옥의 혼례 절차에 대한 기록은 고려 이전의 왕실의례의 일면을 엿볼 수 있을 뿐 아니라 최초의 왕실 혼례 절차라는 점에서 그 의미가 크다. 그리고 유화와 해모수의 사통 내용을 통해 당시의 혼인이 중매를 통해 이루어졌음을 엿볼 수 있을 뿐 아니라, 고려 초에 근친혼을 했다는 기록은 자료적으로도 가치가 있다. "삼국유사"에 나타난 상례 가운데 혁거세왕의 상례에 대한 기록은 최초의 상례(특히 왕실 상례) 기록으로 볼 수 있다. 그리고 수로왕의 장례 내용을 통해 제후에 준하는 봉분을 사용했다는 점과, 탈해왕의 장사 기록을 통해 세골장 풍속과 소상을 만들었다는 것 등은 주목할 필요가 있다. 특히 고대의 상례를 어느 정도 파악할 수 있는바, 자료적 가치가 높다. "삼국유사"에 나타난 제례, 특히 수로왕의 제사에 대한 구체적인 기록, 예컨대 제사방식과 절차, 제전(祭田), 제수(祭需), 사당(祠堂), 진영(眞影) 등에 대한 기사들, 그리고 고대의 국가 제의의 일면을 파악할 수 있다는 점에서 자료적 가치가 크다고 하겠다. "삼국유사"는 신화, 설화적인 요소와 후대의 문식이 가미되었지만, 그럼에도 불구하고 우리 고대의 관례, 혼례, 상례, 제례를 살펴볼 수 있는 매우 귀중한 자료라는 점에서 민속학적으로나 예학사적으로 그 가치가 매우 크다.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제29권1호
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• pp.103-120
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• 2021

This study interprets Siberian shaman costumes from the perspective of Siberian shamanism's spiritual culture by combining theoretical and empirical studies. According to the natural environment and language families, the Siberian people are classified into the Altai, Tungus, Ural, and Paleo-Siberian groups. Se Yin's research classifies the spiritual culture of Siberian shamanism as cosmic, spiritual, and nature view. Eliade's research has divided Siberian shaman costumes into form, headdress, and ornament. According to the present study, shaman costume form and decoration reflect the Siberian three-tiered cosmic view, such that the shaman's head, body and feet correspond to the upperworld, middleworld and underworld. In addition, animism, totemism and ancestral worship appear in the shamanism's spiritual view. For example, the costume's form shows the totem of each tribe, while the costume accessories reflect animal worship, plant worship and ancestral worship. Finally, shamanism's nature view mainly manifests through three processes: personification, deification, and ethics. As an intermediary between man and the spirits, shaman use their clothing to reproduce the image of half man and half spirit. The shaman's costumes are deified and considered to have divine power. For example, the animals represented on the costume help the shaman travel through space. Generally, good animals help a shaman enter the upperworld, while animals that help a shaman enter the underworld are considered evil. Also, the number of hanging accessories represents the shaman's ability.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.125-133
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• 1988

In recent years, Korean traditional culture has been reviewed in many ways. And Great efforts have been made to form a culture suitable for the Koreans. With these tendencies, the interest in Korean traditional foods has been greater. So this paper is intended to identify and analyze the kinds, materials and cooking processes of the rice cakes needed for ancestral worship rites in the court of Choson Dynasty. The work is centered around the Tae-sang-ji written by Lee kun-myong in 1873-the 10th year since king kojong's coming to the throne. And we study such literatures on foods and cooking processes as Kyugon-si-ui-bang, Yo-rok, Jungbo-Sallim-Kyungjae, Kyuhap-Chongso, Si-ui-jon-so and so on. The results are compared and analyzed. Cooking processes and materials of Korean rice cakes in Choson Dynasty were various and had traditional characteristics. Rice cakes necessarily needed for various rites were called pyun especially when they were used for ancestral worship. And many different kinds of Pyun were used according to seasons. There were nineteen kinds of rice cakes used for ancestral worship in the court: Gu-i-Byung, Bun-ja-Byung, Baek-Byung and so on. The six; Gu-i-Byung, Bun-ja-Byung, Sam-sik-Byung, Yi-sik-Byung, Baek-Byung and Huk Byung were essential for the great rites at Jong-myo and Young-nyung-Jeon and so they were highly thought of. Main materials of these six were rice, glutinousrice, sorghum and wheat flour. Cooking processes of the rice cakes above mentioned can be classified into frying, beating, boiling, steaming, etc. Powder for covering rice cakes was made of bean, pine nut, sesame and red bean, of which bean was made the greatest use of. If was very wise of them to use these kinds of powder, for they supply protein and lipid of which rice cakes are destitute and they also add colors and good tastes to rice cakes. But Korean traditional rice cakes are less used as the thought of rites has changed and various kinds of desserts have been developed. And yet there is no denying the fact that even now rice cakes play a great role in traditional formalities.

• 동아시아식생활학회지
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.235-246
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• 2001

The survey on the practice of the memorial ceremonial food in Chuncheon area showed it varied according to social position of officiator, location(inland or seaside town) , and personal condition. The study included the foods prepared for the memorial services on the memorial day. New Year's Day and Chusok. 1. 40.4% of the subjects were in the thirties at their age, 46.6% were high school graduates, 57.3% were the first daughter-in-law, 40.4% had no religion, 30.9% were working at public administration and earned less than 1 to 1,5 million won monthly. 2. 71.7% of the subjects who replied that the ancestor worship service had to be kept were Buddhists. 55.4% of them were high school graduates, and 58.8% of them ran independent businesses. They learned how to practice the ancestor worship service from their mother before marriage or from their parents-in-law after marriage. 3. The older the officiators, the better they wanted to keep the traditional format of the service, but the Christians and Catholics wanted to change the format to western style in the future. 4. 92.7% of them served cooked milled rice. They prepared the soup in the order of beef soup, radish soup and dried Alaskan pollack soup. 5. Among cooked vegetable dishes, bracken was used the most and balloonflower root, mung bean sprout and spinach followed. Among jeon(pan-fried foods). frozen Alaskan pollack was used the most and buckwheat, mung bean and meatball followed. 6. They served san-juk(beef kebab) mostly on the ceremony. Among the grilled foods, tofu was the favorite, and croaker followed. 7. Among the fried foods. squid was the favorite, and sweet-potato and shrimp followed. Among the dried foods. they used in the order of dried Alaskan pollack, dried beef and squid. 8. Among the rice cake and traditional confectionery, they used in the order of Yak-sik(sweet rice cake), Gang-jeong(fried glutinous rice cookie), Jeol-pyun and In-jeol-mee. Among a beverage, they served Sik-hye(fermented rice drink) mostly. 9. Among fruits, apples. jujube, chestnut and dried persimmon were served. Aong a liquor, Cheongju was served mostly. 10. Soy sauce, salt and salted fermented fish were served, too.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제20권6호
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• pp.41-56
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• 2011

This study mainly examined the unit space (room) called 'MARI' of the private houses that were built between the 19c and the early 20c in the insular areas of southwestern sea. Generally, this region has unique historicity (restructure of the insular environment in the 17c and the 18c) and geographic environment that are different from inland regions thus the environment is presumed as a related factor to developments and structures of the private houses. 'MARI' is a noticeable space that is installed in a main building without an exception even in small 3 bedroom private houses. Its nature has location and usage distinctions in an architectural plan with similar 'MARU' of inland Jeollanam-Do. There are large crocks filled with grains at MARI. Thus, MARI is a storage room. Mostly rice and various other kinds of grains are stored in the several crocks, large and small. Many household goods are kept here as well. Another peculiar function of MARI is that this space commonly enshrines ancestral tablets of three generations. Hence, MARI takes a role of a shrine of an aristocratic house from an inland region. Considering the size of the house and space, this seems to be a very unprecedented utilization of area. MARI is located at the top (at the head of the house) on the floor plan. In other words, it is located at the space in the highest rank. The importance of ancestor worship and grains is evinced architecturally. It is really interesting fact that MARI is also located within recently built modern houses (Cheongsan Island, Joyak Island, etc.). Therefore, it can be said that the unique MARI tradition of this region has an intact continuity even today. After all, MARI has a great significance as a unique unit space of insular areas of southwestern sea that is installed in the main buildings of all houses regardless of size and shape of the houses, and their insular locations.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.53-70
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• 2016

조선시대의 예학의 기준을 제공하였던 "주자가례(朱子家禮)"는 현재까지도 조상과 소통하는 제례에서도 많은 영향을 미치고 있다. 그러나 제례의 진설방법에 대해서는 연구가 미흡하였으며 형식적인 의례절차로 이해되었다. 이에 본 논문은 제례진설의 상징체계를 이해하기 위해 당시의 사상과 학문적 기초를 제공한 고대 천문관과 우주 질서에 대한 이해의 관점에서 음양오행론을 통해 "주자가례(朱子家禮)"에 나타난 진설도를 분석하고자 하였다. 그 결과 제례진설이 당시 사람들이 이해한 우주관과 세상에 대한 질서 논리인 음양오행의 상징구조에 의해 진설되어졌음을 확인할 수 있었다. 이를 통해 제례진설에 담긴 의미를 파악함으로서 문화의 지속과 변화의 과정 속에서 제례 문화의 원형을 이해하고 전승될 수 있는 계기를 마련하고자 한다.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.53-76
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• 2005

Through a field study of the folk houses, 'Closed ㄱㄴ Type' in Goyang-si, Gyonggj-do, focused on the dweller's life by the method of ethnographic interview, observation, and physical survey. L and opposite L type of inner and outer buildings form a closed inner court, and innermost backyard for woman is enclosed by fence. Form and space of the house contains dweller's traditional life. Outer space of a front gate becomes semiprivate space, for thrashing and piling up harvest and raising vegetables and pigs. Confucius principle does not fully dominate dweller's life of ancestral rite at Daecheong floor, and separation of man's and woman's quarter. Superstitious worship activities took place for lord of site and house. In everyday life, Anbang, inner main room, is assigned for parent's quarter instead of woman's quarter, and Geornbang, next room, was for son's family. Anbang has symbolic meaning for a place of deathbed. House contains agricultural activities, crop harvesting, thrashing, putting into storage, hulling rice, and keeping grain near kitchen. At present, rooms are needed more; sheds are made into rooms, rooms are enlarged toward outside, half outside space like Daechong floor becomes interior space by sash screen. And modern facilities of kitchen and bathroom are equipped for convenience. At the end, meaning and generative principle of those forms are discovered.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제31권6호
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• pp.515-540
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• 2016

This study investigated the characteristics of main house food cultures in Gyeonggi-do using a case study on the head family. The subject of this study was selected through an advisory committee of experts; it incorporated intangible and tangible elements of the main family based on relevant data. Selected representative main house of Gyeonggi-do had 12 parts in total. The entire investigation was conducted in five parts; literature search, telephone survey, in-depth interviews, inheritance food research of the head family, and cuisine demonstrations. Twelve families within the researched family clan had members of high merit or scholarly reputation qualified enough to serve bulcheonwi, a form of important religious worship. Food in Gyeonggi-do, specifically, can be served for Bongjesa jeopbingaek, which is a combination of performance of ancestral rites and greeting guests. Meat ingredients were frequently used. Articles of clothing were colorful and vivid, with wootgi that needed lots of work. Soup and steamed dishes tended to favor simple but fresh tastes that come with their cultural and historical context.