• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.379-408
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• 2017

What I wish to show in this paper is the moral educational implication on "The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)" in a position to consider the alternatives about personality education problems by searching viewpoints on moral training theory on the book. "The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)" was written by Dasan Jeong-yakyong(茶山 丁若鏞, 1762-1836). In the oriental philosophy, a moral training theory is built on the base of human nature theory. Dasan's moral training theory was also built on his human nature theory. Undoubtedly we could consider that his difference from the moral training theory of Confucianism is reflected in his moral training theory putting stress on practice. Dasan criticized the moral training theory of Confucianism because of its static aspect contemplating mind internally. He stands on the position that the virtue can be come true by the concrete practice. The establishment ground of Dasan's moral training theory is on his theory of human nature's preference(性嗜好說). Dasan didn't consider benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom(仁義禮智) as human nature. He considered that the human nature prefers goodness. So there is no perfect human nature or principle originally to human beings but also directionality to be displayed. We can say that the virtue building by cultivation of directionality get connected to moral training theory. Dasan considered ?The Minor Annotations of Elementary Learning(小學枝言)? as a practice book for moral training which develops individuals' personality through practice in the reality. He thought that the book cause individuals to follow 'the elementary way(小道)' and to learn 'the elementary art(小藝)' more than academic pursuit. From this viewpoint he showed the practice(行事) of judgment(權衡) by keeping the attitude for the scripture interpretation to pursue the right principles(義理) based on Chinese exegetics(訓?) and the historical evidences(考證) through the whole book. And in the book he suggested the standard of the whole-person education to develop the human nature based on his theory of human nature's preference(性嗜好說), to cognize relationship as an ethical existence, and to pursue the harmony with graphonomy(字學) and Ethics(道學). So we can regard that he realized his practice centered moral education philosophy in the book.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.275-308
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• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.297-325
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• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.251-276
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• 2017

This article is an attempt to identify the difference between "Oneness between Heaven and Man(天人合一)" thought proposed by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) in 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' and "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" thought presented by Kwonkun(權近) in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)'. Oneness between Heaven and Man thought, which have developed into practical ideas centered on self-cultivation theory, have a philosophical depth and logical system by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) with 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' in order to summarize the metaphysical cosmology and the treatise of human nature in Dynasty Song. Zhoudunyi established the concept of Wuji(無極) corresponding to Heaven(天), and suggested unified cosmology of 'Wuji(無極)-Taiji(太極)-Yin and Yang(陰 陽)-Five elements(五行)-Human(人間)-Everything(萬物)'. His cosmology is the perception that heaven, the creator of all things, is the relationship of unity, which is connected by man as the creature and the Order(命)and Nature(性). Thus, when people restores one's nature and realized that it is a mandate from Heaven, he said that heavenly unity can be realized and become a Saint(聖人). The idea of Zhoudunyi(周敦?) comes to Zhu Xi(朱熹) about 120 years later and it is concluded to be converged the Neo-Confucianism with Lichi theory. Accordingly, Zhoudunyi(周敦?) is evaluated as the master of the Neo-Confucianism to posterity. KwonKun suggested the idea of "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)' at the end of Goryeo Dynasty. KwonKun's "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" thought is logically coherent by adding an element of the doctrines of Chu-tzu to his teacher Yi Saek's "Chun-In-Mu-Gan" and arranging that the functions of my mind and Li(理) are all together. Whereas Zhuodunyi is concerned with the creation principle of the universe and all things, KwonKun mainly cares about Heaven(天), Human(人), and Heart (心), and Nature(性) in the view of psychology. In addition, he suggested that "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" can be achieved by self-cultivation centered of Gyeong-thought(敬思想). The idea of KwonKun has become a stepping stone to the development of the doctrines of Chu-tzu based on psychology. His ideas came to Yi Hwang about 150 year later, and are integrated into four clue-seven emotion (Sadan Chiljung四端七情) thesis and Gyeong-thought(敬思想). However, unlike the Zhoudunyi, KwonKun is not properly evaluated despite his academic accomplishments.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.241-262
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• 2011

In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.201-234
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• 2016

This thesis examined interpreting methodology of Do Won Lew Seung Kug(1923~2011) is based on the principle of Juhng-yaug. His lifelong academic aim was searching for the theory that enables global community to co-exist peacefully through humanitarianism that leads to reconciliation and mutual benefits. The research of the history of Korean thoughts provided him with the clue for his theory. According to Do Won, Korean thoughts pursue the Juhng-yaug's value of 'Yin and Yang accordance' rather than the I-Ching's value of 'suppress Yin and elevate Yang'. He furthermore asserts the concept of the middle (中), which harmonizes the two extremes by human beings as main agents, has been consistently observed from the action of divination during the ancient period through Juhng-yaug in the late 19th century. Do Won identifies 'human maturity that integrates the extremely conflicting insistences and values and seeks to be reconciled' as the basic character of Korean thoughts. He explains 'Hongikingan[弘益人間, becoming beneficial to the human world] is the idea that embraces the conflicting values symbolized by heaven and the earth. He also illuminates that Choe Chi Won(崔致遠)'s created Poongliu Do by integrating heterogeneity among Confucianism, Buddhim, and Daoism and it was attainable through the various works of mature human beings. Both Toe Gye' s philosophy of Ingeuk(人極, the Great Ultimate of Person) and the concept of Innaecheon(人乃天, Human Being right is Heaven) of Donghak are excellent examples of Humanitarianism that sublate two extremes. In Korea, the prototype of this thought has penetrated its entire history in the various circumstances of the period. The grand finale is Juhng-yaug of which the pursued values are 'Yin and Yang accordance' and mature humanitarianism revealed by the thoughts of the Person of the Central Ultimate (皇極人,至人) and Central Ultimate (皇極). Therefore, Humanitarianism in Korean thoughts clearly makes its appearance by the time of Juhng-yaug and it functions as a keyword to illuminate the entire history of Korean thoughts in reverse.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.223-264
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• 2014

Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo(淵泉 洪奭周: 1774-1842) faithfully followed a policy of restoration of literary style of king Jeongjo. He was an young vassal after 1794 and influenced by Jeongjo because Yeoncheon was around the king. Furthermore, he had comparatively favorable working period as a vassal(仕宦期, 1795-1836) after death of Jeongjo(1800) while establishing his own academic viewpoint. Therefore, a study about art theory of Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo is one about logical system to accept various desires for change of then while not getting rid of scope of Neo-Confucianism after Jeongjo. It is catched that exchange of Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong was made relating to study of Sangseo. Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong absorbed in study of Sangseo, which is come from putting importance on 6 scriptures (經) among studies of scriptures by both of them. Through this, they aimed to re-discover ideology of original Confucian studies as one for cultivating oneself and governing people (修己治人之學). Dasan and Yeoncheon have something in common that they were young vassals who were cultivated as a guarding power for Jeongjo centered on Gyujanggak. They were largely fit to view of literature(文體觀) of Jeongjo. Hong Seok-joo distinguished function of prose(文) and poetry(詩) into teaching moral(明敎) and moving people(感人) in the category of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on thoughts of 'literature is linguistic device for Taoism '(道本文末)' which is a core concept of literature theory based on Neo-Confucianism. He gave a careful attention on instructional and social function in prose while on emotional understanding that puts importance on temper and the secrets of nature in poetry. Hong Seok-joo regarded moral impression and edification through this as a core of artistic creation based on Segyoseol(世敎說). Furthermore, expressions such as 'Heunggwangunwon(興觀群怨)' or 'Yeohangguyo(閭巷謳謠) which are mentioned as important elements in his artistic works put importance on actual existence of objective things in artistic activity and this is connected to an attitude to require description fit to fact. So, it is assumed that such expression style aimed for features of genre painting in painting arts. Understanding of the study of ancient documents by Yeoncheon developed from critical perspective. He criticized the study of ancient documents, saying it as first, Pasoijisul(破碎之術), second, Dotaekjisul(塗澤之術), third, Hoimojisul(毁侮之術). Jeong Yak-yong criticized ' theory on the Odes' from viewpoint of theory of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on Neo-Confucianism. He stressed political and social function of Sipeon and general poetry in "the Odes" and reinterprets discourses about poetry of Zhu Xi based on his own opinion. He says that poems of national fashion do political and social criticism. The theory of national fashion by Jeong Yak-yong clearly discloses his thoughts that stress practical role of noblemen in the social and political context.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.167-206
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• 2009

This paper discovers and introduces the collection of letters, "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" which was made by Kim Youngjak(1802~1868) who had collected the letters from Chinese intellectuals. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" is a collector which contains handwritten letters to Kim Youngjak from Chinese people such as cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰), and li wen yuan(李文源). Kim Youngjak had frequent meetings with Chinese intellectuals not only directly but also indirectly. He had exchanged letters with li bo heng(李伯衡), shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) for 30 years. In 1858, he went to Beijing and met Chinese intellectuals ye ming li(葉名澧), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), wu kun tian(吳昆田), cheng gong shou(程恭壽), and zhao guang(趙光). After coming back to Chos?n, he continued to exchange letters with them. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" contains autograph letters by Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals. It has ten letters for Kim Youngjak written by cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰) and so on. One letter and five poems which zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) wrote to the son of Kim are also contained. The letters by zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) shows a sincere friendship with Kim Youngjak. The relationship between li bo heng(李伯衡) (who had exchanged letters with Kim for 30 years) and his son li wen yuan(李文源) proves that the cultural interchange between Korea and China had lasted successively. Kim Youngjak has not been widely known in academic circles yet but should not be ignored for the study in the cultural interchange between Korea and China. He proposed to have a relationship with li bo heng(李伯衡) and shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) first and they sent back positively. Therefore, they had a literal and private relationship by only exchanging letters each other. Also considering the fact that Kim Youngjak, as a man of high birth, had a close relationship with Chinese intelletuals, we can notice that Chinese and Korean intellectuals had open minds based on sincerity and trust. This was possible because many intellectuals before him like Hong Daeyong made a basis of the tradition of companionship. At this point, the relationship between Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals and "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" have an important value. The collections of Kim Youngjak's works contain only several letters and poems which he sent to Chinese intellectuals. Accordingly, the letters in "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" are important to understand the aspects of their interchange.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.35-66
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• 2018

This thesis has examined Jo Guimyeong's observation method and rhetoric of style of writing style. He tried to look at the world differently through observation and expressed relationship with the world through the style of comic. $J{\breve{o}}nggwan$ is a new way of looking at subjects and objects. It trust the senses and thoughts of the subject. So It is to clarify the circumstances and logic of the world from one's own point of view. In this case, it collides with the common thinking of the day. He put the reason and the action standard in the "taste" and the "mind". This means three things. First, he is proud that his reasons and actions are no different from those of a saint. Second, an individual is an independent being with different emotions and thoughts. Third, based on this, his works of literature have their own value. These reasons and actions were incarnated through '$J{\breve{o}}nggwan$(靜觀)'s observation methods. What he gained from the three stages of $J{\breve{o}}nggwan$(靜觀)' is the 'great mind'. The first step is self-reflection. It is the process of objectifying oneself. The second target is the appearance of things. It's about looking at everything equally, whether it's precious or vulgar. The third object of observation is a harmonic. He is joining the movement of the harmonizers. Therefore, one's own reasons, actions, and works of literature share the same meaning as those of a harmonizer. He said that the description can change according to his own knowledge. It means that you can fit the situation. A typical example was the analysis of 'Sung Bo hyung hwasangchan'<成甫兄畵像贊>. He described Park Moon-soo's life as the lives of officials through comic. Through this, He criticized Park Moon-soo's natural nature of the academic world. but the situation in which he can't escape from bureaucratic life by inducing laughter. This style of writing is one of the most representative features which was written by Jo Guimyeong writer.