• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.9-47
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• 1975

These experiments were caried out to study the effects of caponization and various hormone treatments upon meat production and improvement of meat quality of growing chicken. Sixtyseven days old 160 New Hampshire cockerels were treated and growth rate, carcass yield, change of weight of individual organs, meat composition and change of amino acid were measured and analysed. Otherwise change of testis and thyroid gland by hormone treatment were investigated histologically. The results obtained were as follows. 1. The effectst of caponization and hormone treatment upon meat production were; 1) Body weight of cockerels in D. E. S. group without caponization was increased. upon 96.86% than initial period and A. C. T. H. group was 104.22% but other groups and all carponization groups were lighter than those of control group. 2) Weekly body gain of D. E. S. group without caponization was best showing the significance (102.69 g) and the group with caponization were lower than those groups without caponization. 3) Carcass yield was best in Testo. group without caponization (831.2 g) and the group with caponization were lower than the group without caponization. 4) Carcass rate was highest in A. C. T. H. group with caponization and (67.22%) lowest in Testo. group without caponization (63.37%), but any significance was not recognized. 2. The effects of caponizatitn and hormone treatments upon the coposition of meat and amino acids were; 1) Any significance was not recognized between treated and untreated group about change of moisture, crude protein, crude ash and glycogen contents in meat. 2) Fat co tent in muscle in the all treated groups were higher than that of control group. 3) Extracts of group without caponization were higher than those of groups with caponization. 4) Lysin contents were highest in D. E. S. group with caponization (11. 12/ 16.0 g N) and generelly Testo. group was lower compared with D. E. S. group. 5) Histidine and Arginine contents were higher in the groups with caponization than without caponization. 6) Aspartic acid content were higher in D. E. S. group and A. C. T. H. group without depend on caponization. 7) Treonine content was higher in Testo. group without caponization and in the group with caponization and without hormone treatment compared with those of control group without caponization. 8) Serine content was decreased in the group with caponization and increased by D. E. S. and A. C. T. H treatment groups and glutamic acid was also decreased in Testo. group with out caponization. 9) Cystine content was decreased by Testo. treatment and was not appeared in Testo. group without caponization. 10) Valine content was lower in control group with caponization but significance was not recognized between other groups and control group without caponization. 11) Glycine, Alanine, Methionine. Isoleucine, Leucine, Thyrosine and Phenylalanine contents were not so difference between hormone treated groups and control group without caponization. 3. The effects of caponization and hormone treatment upon the change of organs were: 1) The weight of all organs were heaviest in D. E. S. group without caponization (18.5g) and lightest in A. C. T. H. group without caponization (155. 3g) but no significance was recognized between hormone treatment groups. 2) Heart weight was heaviest in D. E. S. group without caponization (7.46 g) and lightest in Testo. group without caponization (5.95 g). 3) Liver weight was heaviest in D. E. S. group without caponization(32.89g) and lightest in hormone untreated group with caponization(29.66g). Significance was not recognized. 4) Spleen weight was heaivest in Testo. group with caponization (3.22 g) and lightest in D. E. S. group without caponization(2.00g) in contrast with the other groups. High significance was recognized among the groups (P<0.01). 5) Cloacal thymus weight was lightest in D. E. S. group with or without caponization compared with control group without caponization. High significance was recognized among the groups. 6) Muscle fat content was not appeared in A. C. T. H. group with caponization, but it was highly increased in D. E. S. group with or without caponization. 7) Testis weight was lightest in D. E. S. group (0.38g) compared with control group (2.66g). Significance was recognized among the groups. 8) Large intestine, small intestine and cecum weight and length were heavier and longer in D. E. S. group without caponization and control group without caponization was lighter than those of hormone treated groups. 4. The effects of caponization and hormone treatment upon histological change of testis and thyroid gland: 1) The histological change of testis was significantly appeared in D. E. S. group that seminifirous tubles was slowly atrophied, the funtion of spernatogenesis was ceased, spermatocyte was changed as degeneration by pyknosis and karyorrhexis and interstitial cell was also atrophied, but in Testo. and A. C. T. H. group were similar as control group. 2) The histological change of thyroid gland in Testo. and A. C. T. H. groups without caponization were similar to that of control group without caponization, but in D. E. S. group without caponization, was changed squamously. Thyroid gland of the groups with caponization, epithelium of was atrophied and changed squamously as degeneration by pyknosis and karyorrhexis and the function of thyroid gland was slowly ceased in colloid and in hormone treated group with caponization.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.3
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• pp.49-82
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• 1965

For the stable and high yields of low-land rice in Korea, the characteristics of rice plant for the vegetative and physiological responses, plant type formation, and yield components have been studied in order to obtain the fundamental data for the improvement of cultural practices, especially for the ideal fertilizer application. Furthermore the environmental conditions in Korea including temperatures, light, precipitation, and soil conditions have been compared in the broad sense with those in Japan, and the application of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, silicate and other micro-nutrients were described in relation to the characteristics of environmental conditions for the improvement of fertilizer application. 1. The average yield of polished-rice per 10 are in Korea is about 204 kg and this values are much less than those in Japan and Taiwan where they produce 77% to 13% more than in Korea. The rate of yield increase a year in Korea is 4.2 kg, but in Japan and Taiwan the rates of yield increase a year are 81 % and 62%, respectively. It was also found that the coefficient of variation of yield is 7.7% in Korea, 6.7% in Japan and 2.5% in Taiwan. This means that the stability of producing rice in Korea is very low when compared with those in Japan and Taiwan. 2. It was learned from the results obtained from the 'annual yield estimation experiment' that there are big differences in the respect of plant type formations between rice crops grown in Japan and Korea. The important differences found were as follows: (1) The numbers of spikelets per 3.3 square meters are 891 in Korea and 1, 007 in Japan(13% more than in Korea). (2) The numbers of tillers per 3.3 square meters at the stage of maximum tillering are 1, 150 in Korea, but in Japan they showed 19% more than in Korea. (3) The ratio of effective tillers to total tillers is 77.5% in Korea and 74.7% in Japan, which seems to be higher in Korea than in Japan. But the ratio in Korea is very low when considered the numbers of total tillers in both countries. (4) The ratio of grain to straw is 85.4% in Korea and 96.3% in Japan. 3. The average temperatures during the growing season at the area of Suwon, Kwangjoo and Taegu are almost same as those in the district of Jookokoo(Fookoo yama) in Japan, i.e., the temperatures during the rice-growing season in Korea are similar to those in the southern-warm regions of Japan. 4. Considering the minimum temperatures at the stage of limiting transplanting, 13$^{\circ}C$, the time of transplanting might be 30 to 40 days earlier than presently practicing transplanting time, which comes around June 10. 5. The temperatures during the vegetative growth in Korea were higher than those temperatures that needed in the protein synthesis which ate the main metabolism during this stage. However, the temperatures at the time of reproductive growth was lower than the temperatures that needed in the sugar assimilation which is main metabolism in this stage. In this point of view, it might be considered that the proper time of growing rice plant in Korea would be rather earlier. 6. The temperatures and the day light conditions at the time of first tillering stage of rice plant, when planted as presenting transplanting practices, are very satisfactory, but the poor day light length, high temperatures and too wet conditions in the time of last-tillering stage(mid or last July) might cause the occurrence of disease such as blast. 7. The heading stage of rice plants at each region through nations when planted as presently practicing method comes when the day light length is short. 8. It was shown that the accumulated average air-temperature at the time of maturing stage was not enough and the heading time was too late, when considered the annual deviations of mean temperatures and low minimum temperatures. 9. The nitrogen content of each plant part at the each growing stage was very high at the stage of vegetative growth when compared with the nitrogen content at the stage of reproductive growth after heading. In this respect it was believed to be important to prevent the nutrient shortages at the reproductive stages, especially after the heading. 10. The area of unsatisfactory irrigation paddy fields and natural rain-fed paddy fields are getting reduced in Korea. The correlation between the rate of reducing unsatisfactory irrigation and natural rain-fed paddy fields and the rate of yield increase were computed. The correlation coefficients(r) between the area of unsatisfactory irrigation paddy fields and yield increase were +0.525, and between the natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increase, +0.832 and between the unsatisfactory irrigation plus natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increase, +0.84. And there were. highly significant positive correlations between natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increases indicating that the less the area of natural rain-fed paddy fields, the greater the yields per unit area. 11. The results obtained from the fertilizer experiments (yield performance trials) conducted in both Korea and Japan showed that the yield of non-fertilized plots per 10 are was 231 kg in Korea and 360 kg in Japan. On the basis of this it might be concluded that the fertility of soil in Korea is lower than that in Japan. Furthermore it was. also found that the yields of non-nitrogen applied plots per 10 are were 236 kg in Korea and 383 kg in Japan. This also indicates that the yields of rice in Korea are largely depending on the nitrogen content in the soil. 12. The followings were obtained when the chemical natures of soils in both Korea and Japan were compared. (1) The content of organic matter, total nitrogen, exchangeable calcium, and magnesium in Korea were no more than the half those in Japan. (2) The content of N/2 chloride and soluble silicate in low-land soil were on the average lower in Korea. (3) The exchange capacity of bases in Korea was no more than half that in Japan. 13. It was also observed by comparing the soil nature of the soil with high yielding capacity with the soil with low yielding capacity that the exchange capacity of bases, exchangeable calcium and magnesium, potassium, phosphorus, manganese, silicate and iron were low in the soil with low yielding capacity. 14. The depth of furrow slice was always deeper in the soil with high yielding capacity, and the depth of furrow slice in Korea was also shallower than that in Japan. 15. Summarizing the various conditions mentioned previously and considering the effects of silicate and trace elements such as manganese and iron besides three elements on the physiological and plant type formation of rice crops, more realistic and more ideal fertilizing practices were proposed. proposed.

• Journal of Distribution Research
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.111-137
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• 2010

The basic purpose of this study is to investigate perceived quality and service personal value affecting the result of long-term relationship between service buyers and suppliers. This research presented a constructive model(perceived quality affecting the service personal value and the moderate effect of NFC) in the on off line and then propose the research model base on prior researches and studies about relationships among components of service. Data were gathered from respondents who visit at the education service market. For this study, Data were analyzed by AMOS 7.0. We integrate the literature on services marketing with researches on personal values and perceived quality. The SERPVAL scale presented here allows for the creation of a common ground for assessing service personal values, giving a clear understanding of the key value dimensions behind service choice and usage. It will lead to a focus of future research in services marketing, extending knowledge in the field and stimulating further empirical research on service personal values. At the managerial level, as a tool the SERPVAL scale should allow practitioners to evaluate and improve the value of a service, and consequently, to define strategies and actions to address services for customers based on their fundamental personal values. Through qualitative and empirical research, we find that the service quality construct conforms to the structure of a second-order factor model that ties service quality perceptions to distinct and actionable dimensions: outcome, interaction, and environmental quality. In turn, each has two subdimensions that define the basis of service quality perceptions. The authors further suggest that for each of these subdimensions to contribute to improved service quality perceptions, the quality received by consumers must be perceived to be reliable, responsive, and empathetic. Although the service personal value may be found in researches that explore individual values and their consequences for consumer behavior, there is no established operationalization of a SERPVAL scale. The inexistence of an established scale, duly adapted in order to understand and analyze personal values behind services usage, exposes the need of a measurement scale with such a purpose. This need has to be rooted, however, in a conceptualization of the construct being scaled. Service personal values can be defined as a customer's overall assessment of the use of a service based on the perception of what is achieved in terms of his own personal values. As consumer behaviors serve to show an individual's values, the use of a service can also be a way to fulfill and demonstrate consumers'personal values. In this sense, a service can provide more to the customer than its concrete and abstract attributes at both the attribute and the quality levels, and more than its functional consequences at the value level. Both values and services literatures agree, that personal value is the highest-level concept, followed by instrumental values, attitudes and finally by product attributes. Purchasing behaviors are agreed to be the end result of these concepts' interaction, with personal values taking a major role in the final decision process. From both consumers' and practitioners' perspectives, values are extremely relevant, as they are desirable goals that serve as guiding principles in people's lives. While building on previous research, we propose to assess service personal values through three broad groups of individual dimensions; at the self-oriented level, we use (1) service value to peaceful life (SVPL) and, at the social-oriented level, we use (2) service value to social recognition (SVSR), and (3) service value to social integration (SVSI). Service value to peaceful life is our first dimension. This dimension emerged as a combination of values coming from the RVS scale, a scale built specifically to assess general individual values. If a service promotes a pleasurable life, brings or improves tranquility, safety and harmony, then its user recognizes the value of this service. Generally, this service can improve the user's pleasure of life, since it protects or defends the consumer from threats to life or pressures on it. While building upon both the LOV scale, a scale built specifically to assess consumer values, and the RVS scale for individual values, we develop the other two dimensions: SVSR and SVSI. The roles of social recognition and social integration to improve service personal value have been seriously neglected. Social recognition derives its outcome utility from its predictive utility. When applying this underlying belief to our second dimension, SVSR, we assume that people use a service while taking into consideration the content of what is delivered. Individuals consider whether the service aids in gaining respect from others, social recognition and status, as well as whether it allows achieving a more fulfilled and stimulating life, which might then be revealed to others. People also tend to engage in behavior that receives social recognition and to avoid behavior that leads to social disapproval, and this contributes to an individual's social integration. This leads us to the third dimension, SVSI, which is based on the fact that if the consumer perceives that a service strengthens friendships, provides the possibility of becoming more integrated in the group, or promotes better relationships at the social, professional or family levels, then the service will contribute to social integration, and naturally the individual will recognize personal value in the service. Most of the research in business values deals with individual values. However, to our knowledge, no study has dealt with assessing overall personal values as well as their dimensions in a service context. Our final results show that the scales adapted from the Schwartz list were excluded. A possible explanation is that although Schwartz builds on Rokeach work in order to explore individual values, its dimensions might be especially focused on analyzing societal values. As we are looking for individual dimensions, this might explain why the values inspired by the Schwartz list were excluded from the model. The hierarchical structure of the final scale presented in this paper also presents theoretical implications. Although we cannot claim to definitively capture the dimensions of service personal values, we believe that we come close to capturing these overall evaluations because the second-order factor extracts the underlying commonality among dimensions. In addition to obtaining respondents' evaluations of the dimensions, the second-order factor model captures the common variance among these dimensions, reflecting the respondents' overall assessment of service personal values. Towards this fact, we expect that the service personal values conceptualization and measurement scale presented here contributes to both business values literature and the service marketing field, allowing for the delineation of strategies for adding value to services. This new scale also presents managerial implications. The SERPVAL dimensions give some guidance on how to better pursue a highly service-oriented business strategy. Indeed, the SERPVAL scale can be used for benchmarking purposes, as this scale can be used to identify whether or not a firms' marketing strategies are consistent with consumers' expectations. Managerial assessment of the personal values of a service might be extremely important because it allows managers to better understand what customers want or value. Thus, this scale allows us to identify what services are really valuable to the final consumer; providing knowledge for making choices regarding which services to include. Traditional approaches have focused their attention on service attributes (as quality) and service consequences(as service value), but personal values may be an important set of variables to be considered in understanding what attracts consumers to a certain service. By using the SERPVAL scale to assess the personal values associated with a services usage, managers may better understand the reasons behind services' usage, so that they may handle them more efficiently. While testing nomological validity, our empirical findings demonstrate that the three SERPVAL dimensions are positively and significantly associated with satisfaction. Additionally, while service value to social integration is related only with loyalty, service value to peaceful life is associated with both loyalty and repurchase intent. It is also interesting and surprising that service value to social recognition appears not to be significantly linked with loyalty and repurchase intent. A possible explanation is that no mobile service provider has yet emerged in the market as a luxury provider. All of the Portuguese providers are still trying to capture market share by means of low-end pricing. This research has implications for consumers as well. As more companies seek to build relationships with their customers, consumers are easily able to examine whether these relationships provide real value or not to their own lives. The selection of a strategy for a particular service depends on its customers' personal values. Being highly customer-oriented means having a strong commitment to customers, trying to create customer value and understanding customer needs. Enhancing service distinctiveness in order to provide a peaceful life, increase social recognition and gain a better social integration are all possible strategies that companies may pursue, but the one to pursue depends on the outstanding personal values held by the service customers. Data were gathered from 284 respondents in the korean discount store and online shopping mall market. This research proposed 3 hypotheses on 6 latent variables and tested through structural equation modeling. 6 alternative measurements were compared through statistical significance test of the 6 paths of research model and the overall fitting level of structural equation model. and the result was successful. and Perceived quality more positively influences service personal value when NFC is high than when no NFC is low in the off-line market. The results of the study indicate that service quality is properly modeled as an antecedent of service personal value. We consider the research and managerial implications of the study and its limitations. In sum, by knowing the dimensions a consumer takes into account when choosing a service, a better understanding of purchasing behaviors may be realized, guiding managers toward customers expectations. By defining strategies and actions that address potential problems with the service personal values, managers might ultimately influence their firm's performance. we expect to contribute to both business values and service marketing literatures through the development of the service personal value. At a time when marketing researchers are challenged to provide research with practical implications, it is also believed that this framework may be used by managers to pursue service-oriented business strategies while taking into consideration what customers value.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.239-260
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• 2019

This paper examines the circulation and dissemination of painting during and after the nineteenth century through a case study on the One Hundred Fans paintings produced as decorative folding screens at the time. One Hundred Fans paintings refer to depictions of layers of fans in various shapes on which pictures of diverse themes are drawn. Fans and paintings on fans were depicted on paintings before the nineteenth century. However, it was in the nineteenth century that they began to be applied as subject matter for decorative paintings. Reflecting the trend of enjoying extravagant hobbies, fans and paintings on fans were mainly produced as folding screens. The folding screen of One Hundred Fans from the collection of the Museum am Rothenbaum Kulturen und Künste der Welt (hereafter Rothenbaum Museum) in Germany was first introduced to Korean in the exhibition The City in Art, Art in the City held at the National Museum of Korea in 2016. Each panel in this six-panel folding screen features more than five different fans painted with diverse topics. This folding screen is of particular significance since the National Museum of Korea holds the original drawings. In the nineteenth century, calligraphy and painting that had formerly been enjoyed by Joseon royal family members and the nobility in private spaces began to spread among common people and was distributed through markets. In accordance with the trend of adorning households, colorful decorative paintings were preferred, leading to the popularization of the production of One Hundred Fans folding screens with pictures in different shapes and themes. A majority of the Korean collection in the Rothenbaum Museum belonged to Heinrich Constantin Eduard Meyer(1841~1926), a German businessman who served as the Joseon consul general in Germany. From the late 1890s until 1905, Meyer traveled back and forth between Joseon and Germany and collected a wide range of Korean artifacts. After returning to Germany, he sequentially donated his collections, including One Hundred Fans, to the Rothenbaum Museum. Folding screens like One Hundred Fans with their fresh and decorative beauty may have attracted the attention of foreigners living in Joseon. The One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum is an intriguing work in that during its treatment, a piece of paper with the inscription of the place name "Donghyeon" was found pasted upside down on the back of the second panel. Donghyeon was situated in between Euljiro 1-ga and Euljiro 2-ga in present-day Seoul. During the Joseon Dynasty, a domestic handicraft industry boomed in the area based on licensed shops and government offices, including the Dohwaseo (Royal Bureau of Painting), Hyeminseo (Royal Bureau of Public Dispensary), and Jangagwon (Royal Bureau of Music). In fact, in the early 1900s, shops selling calligraphy and painting existed in Donghyeon. Thus, it is very likely that the shops where Meyer purchased his collection of calligraphy and painting were located in Donghyeon. The six-panel folding screen One Hundred Fans in the collection of the Rothenbaum Museum is thought to have acquired its present form during a process of restoring Korean artifacts works in the 1980s. The original drawings of One Hundred Fans currently housed in the National Museum of Korea was acquired by the National Folk Museum of Korea between 1945 and 1950. Among the seven drawings of the painting, six indicate the order of their panels in the margins, which relates that the painting was originally an eight-panel folding screen. Each drawing shows more than five different fans. The details of these fans, including small decorations and patterns on the ribs, are realistically depicted. The names of the colors to be applied, including 'red ocher', 'red', 'ink', and 'blue', are written on most of the fans, while some are left empty or 'oil' is indicated on them. Ten fans have sketches of flowers, plants, and insects or historical figures. A comparison between these drawings and the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum has revealed that their size and proportion are identical. This shows that the Rothenbaum Museum painting follows the directions set forth in the original drawings. The fans on the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum are painted with images on diverse themes, including landscapes, narrative figures, birds and flowers, birds and animals, plants and insects, and fish and crabs. In particular, flowers and butterflies and fish and crabs were popular themes favored by nineteenth century Joseon painters. It is noteworthy that the folding screen One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum includes several scenes recalling the typical painting style of Kim Hong-do, unlike other folding screens of One Hundred Fans or Various Paintings and Calligraphy. As a case in point, the theme of "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" is depicted in the Rothenbaum folding screen even though it is not commonly included in folding screens of One Hundred Fans or One Hundred Paintings due to spatial limitations. The scene of "Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden" in the Rothenbaum folding screen bears a resemblance to Kim Hong-do's folding screen of Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden at the National Museum of Korea in terms of its composition and style. Moreover, a few scenes on the Rothenbaum folding screen are similar to examples in the Painting Album of Byeongjin Year produced by Kim Hong-do in 1796. The painter who drew the fan paintings on the Rothenbaum folding screen is presumed to have been influenced by Kim Hong-do since the fan paintings of a landscape similar to Sainsam Rock, an Elegant Gathering in the Western Garden, and a Pair of Pheasants are all reminiscent of Kim's style. These paintings in the style of Kim Hong-do are reproduced on the fans left empty in the original drawings. The figure who produced both the original drawings and fan paintings appears to have been a professional painter influenced by Kim Hong-do. He might have appreciated Kim's Painting Album of Byeongjin Year or created duplicates of Painting Album of Byeongjin Year for circulation in the art market. We have so far identified about ten folding screens remaining with the One Hundred Fans. The composition of these folding screens are similar each other except for a slight difference in the number and proportion of the fans or reversed left and right sides of the fans. Such uniform composition can be also found in the paintings of scholar's accoutrements in the nineteenth century. This suggests that the increasing demand for calligraphy and painting in the nineteenth century led to the application of manuals for the mass production of decorative paintings. As the demand for colorful decorative folding screens with intricate designs increased from the nineteenth century, original drawings began to be used as models for producing various paintings. These were fully utilized when making large-scale folding screens with images such as Guo Ziyi's Enjoyment-of-Life Banquet, Banquet of the Queen Mother of the West, One Hundred Children, and the Sun, Cranes and Heavenly Peaches, all of which entailed complicated patterns. In fact, several designs repeatedly emerge in the extant folding screens, suggesting the use of original drawings as models. A tendency toward using original drawings as models for producing folding screens in large quantities in accordance with market demand is reflected in the production of the folding screens of One Hundred Fans filled with fans in different shapes and fan paintings on diverse themes. In the case of the folding screens of One Hundred Paintings, bordering frames are drawn first and then various paintings are executed inside the frames. In folding screens of One Hundred Fans, however, fans in diverse forms were drawn first. Accordingly, it must have been difficult to produce them in bulk. Existing examples are relatively fewer than other folding screens. As discussed above, the folding screen of One Hundred Fans at the Rothenbaum Museum and its original drawings at the National Museum of Korea aptly demonstrate the late Joseon painting trend of embracing and employing new painting styles. Further in-depth research into the Rothenbaum painting is required in that it is a rare example exhibiting the influence of Kim Hong-do compared to other paintings on the theme of One Hundred Fans whose composition and painting style are more similar to those found in the work of Bak Gi-jun.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.54-88
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• 2019

The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains comprises sixty real scenery landscape paintings depicting Geumgangsan Mountain, the Haegeumgang River, and the eight scenic views of Gwandong regions, as well as fifty-one pieces of writing. It is a rare example in terms of its size and painting style. The paintings in this album, which are densely packed with natural features, follow the painting style of the Southern School yet employ crude and unconventional elements. In them, stones on the mountains are depicted both geometrically and three-dimensionally. Since 1973, parts of this album have been published in some exhibition catalogues. The entire album was opened to the public at the special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea" held at the National Museum of Korea in 2019. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains was attributed to Kim Eung-hwan (1742-1789) due to the signature on the final leaf of the album and the seal reading "Bokheon(painter's penname)" on the currently missing album leaf of Chilbodae Peaks. However, there is a strong possibility that this signature and seal may have been added later. This paper intends to reexamine the creator of this album based on a variety of related factors. In order to understand the production background of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, I investigated the eighteenth-century tradition of drawing scenic spots while travelling in which scenery of was depicted during private travels or official excursions. Jeong Seon(1676-1759), Sim Sa-jeong(1707-1769), Kim Yun-gyeom(1711-1775), Choe Buk(1712-after 1786), and Kang Se-hwang(1713-1791) all went on a journey to Geumgangsan Mountain, the most famous travel destination in the late Joseon period, and created paintings of the mountain, including Album of Pungak Mountain in the Sinmyo Year(1711) by Jeong Seon. These painters presented their versions of the traditional scenic spots of Inner Geumgangsan and newly depicted vistas they discovered for themselves. To commemorate their private visits, they produced paintings for their fellow travelers or sponsors in an album format that could include several scenes. While the production of paintings of private travels to Geumgangsan Mountain increased, King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800) ordered Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do, court painters at the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), to paint scenic spots in the nine counties of the Yeongdong region and around Geumgangsan Mountain. King Jeongjo selected these two as the painters for the official excursion taking into account their relationship, their administrative experience as regional officials, and their distinct painting styles. Starting in the reign of King Yeongjo(r. 1724-1776), Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do served as court painters at the Dohwaseo, maintained a close relationship as a senior and a junior and as colleagues, and served as chalbang(chief in large of post stations) in the Yeongnam region. While Kim Hong-do was proficient at applying soft and delicate brushstrokes, Kim Eung-hwan was skilled at depicting the beauty of robust and luxuriant landscapes. Both painters produced about 100 scenes of original drawings over fifty days of the official excursion. Based on these original drawings, they created around seventy album leaves or handscrolls. Their paintings enriched the tradition of depicting scenic spots, particularly Outer Inner Geumgang and the eight scenic views of Gwandong around Geumgangsan Mountain during private journeys in the eighteenth century. Moreover, they newly discovered places of scenic beauty in the Outer Geungang and Yeongdong regions, establishing them as new painting themes. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains consists of four volumes. The volumes I, II include twenty-nine paintings of Inner Geumgangsan; the volume III, seventeen scenes of Outer Geumgangsan; and the volume IV, fourteen images of Maritime Geumgangsan and the eight scenic views of Gwandong. These paintings produced on silk show crowded compositions, geometrical depictions of the stones and the mountains, and distinct presentation of the rocky peaks of Geumgangsan Mountain using white and grayish-blue pigments. This album reflects the Joseon painting style of the mid- and late eighteenth century, integrating influences from Jeong Seon, Kang Se-hwang, Sim Sa-jeong, Jeong Chung-yeop(1725-after 1800), and Kim Hong-do. In particular, some paintings in the album show similarities to Kim Hong-do's Album of Famous Mountains in Korea in terms of its compositions and painterly motifs. However, "Yeongrangho Lake," "Haesanjeong Pavilion," and "Wolsongjeong Pavilion" in Kim Eung-hwan's album differ from in the version by Kim Hong-do. Thus, Kim Eung-hwan was influenced by Kim Hong-do, but produced his own distinctive album. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains includes scenery of "Jaundam Pool," "Baegundae Peak," "Viewing Birobong Peak at Anmunjeom groove," and "Baekjeongbong Peak," all of which are not depicted in other albums. In his version, Kim Eung-hwan portrayed the characteristics of the natural features in each scenic spot in a detailed and refreshing manner. Moreover, he illustrated stones on the mountains using geometric shapes and added a sense of three-dimensionality using lines and planes. Based on the painting traditions of the Southern School, he established his own characteristics. He also turned natural features into triangular or rectangular chunks. All sixty paintings in this album appear rough and unconventional, but maintain their internal consistency. Each of the fifty-one writings included in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains is followed by a painting of a scenic spot. It explains the depicted landscape, thus helping viewers to understand and appreciate the painting. Intimately linked to each painting, the related text notes information on traveling from one scenic spot to the next, the origins of the place names, geographic features, and other related information. Such encyclopedic documentation began in the early nineteenth century and was common in painting albums of Geumgangsan Mountain in the mid- nineteenth century. The text following the painting of Baekhwaam Hermitage in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains documents the reconstruction of the Baekhwaam Hermitage in 1845, which provides crucial evidence for dating the text. Therefore, the owner of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains might have written the texts or asked someone else to transcribe them in the mid- or late nineteenth century. In this paper, I have inferred the producer of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains to be Kim Eung-hwan based on the painting style and the tradition of drawing scenic spots during official trips. Moreover, its affinity with the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain created by Kim Ha-jong(1793-after 1878) after 1865 is another decisive factor in attributing the album to Kim Eung-hwan. In contrast to the Album of Famous Mountains in Korea by Kim Hong-do, the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains exerted only a minor influence on other painters. The Handscroll of Pungak Mountain by Kim Ha-jong is the sole example that employs the subject matter from the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains and follows its painting style. In the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain, Kim Ha-jong demonstrated a painting style completely different from that in the Album of Seas and Mountains that he produced fifty years prior in 1816 for Yi Gwang-mun, the magistrate of Chuncheon. He emphasized the idea of "scholar thoughts" by following the compositions, painterly elements, and depictions of figures in the painting manual style from Kim Eung-hwan's Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains. Kim Ha-jong, a member of the Gaeseong Kim clan and the eldest grandson of Kim Eung-hwan, is presumed to have appreciated the paintings depicted in the nature of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, which had been passed down within the family, and newly transformed them. Furthermore, the contents and narrative styles of Yi Yu-won's writings attached to the paintings in the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain are similar to those of the fifty-one writings in Kim Eunghwan's album. This suggests a possible influence of the inscriptions in Kim Eung-hwan's album or the original texts from which these inscriptions were quoted upon the writings in Kim Ha-jong's handscroll. However, a closer examination will be needed to determine the order of the transcription of the writings. The Album of Complete View of Seas and Mountains differs from Kim Hong-do's paintings of his official trips and other painting albums he influenced. This album is a siginificant artwork in that it broadens the understanding of the art world of Kim Eung-hwan and illustrates another layer of real scenery landscape paintings in the late eighteenth century.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.1-35
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• 1969

Attempts were made to obtain the fundamental knowledge on the quantitative constitution status of leaves and stem of elongating node-part, and the relationships between these morphological characteristics along with the nitrogen contents of leaves and grain yield were examined varing application amounts of nitrogen in rice plant. I. The agronomic characteristics of leaves and nodes of elongation node-part (4-node parts from the top of stem) were observed at heading stage with 20 leading rice varieties of Kang Won district. The results are summarized as follows: 1. Leaf area magnitude of the flag and the fourth leaf was smaller than that of the second and the third with the average value of flag leaf 18.61 $cm^2$, the second leaf 21.84 $cm^2$, the third 21.52 $cm^2$ and the fourth 18.56 $cm^2$. The weight of leaf blade showed an isotonic tendency with the magnitude of leaf area with the value of the flag leaf 97.0 mg, the second leaf 117.1 mg, the third 115.4 mg, and the fourth 95.3 mg. The weight of each leaf sheath was remarkably larger at the higher node-part than at the lower node-part of the stem with the value of flag leaf sheath 176.3 mg, the second 163.7 mg, the third 163.4 mg and the fourth 123.9 mg. Accordingly, the total leaf weight of each part was larger at the second and the third leaf than at the first and the fourth. Total plant weight of each part (weight of leaf blade, leaf sheath, and culm) also was larger at the middle node-part. 2. Coefficients of variation for the varietal differences of the morphological characteristics of elongating node-part were 12.75% for the leaf area, 15.29% for the weight of leaf blade, 15.90%, for the weight of leaf sheath, 11.42% for the weight of internode, 15.45% for the leaf weight (leaf blade ＆ leaf sheath) and 13.24% for the straw weight. And these coefficient values of the most characteristics were, on the whole, smaller at the second and the third node-part than at the first and the fourth node-part, but the coefficient value of the internode weight was rather small at the third and fourth node-part. 3. Constitutional ratio of each plant organ to the total plant weight in term of dry matter weight (excluding head and root wight) was 39.2% for the leaf sheath, 34.2% for the culm, 26.6% for the leaf blade. And ocnstitutional ratio of leaf sheath in term of dry matter weight was larger at the higher position in contrast with that of culm. 4. Average weight ration of leaf blade to culm, leaf sheath to culm, leaf blades to sheath and the leaf blades to culm plus leaf sheath were 77.7 %, 114.5%, 67.9% and 36.2%, respectively. With regard to the position of the plant organ, the weight ratio of leaf blade to culm and that of leaf sheath to culm were larger at higher part in contrast with that of leaf blade to leaf sheath. 5. Generally, there founded deep relationships between grain yield and each morphological characteristics of plant organ of elongating node-part as follows; Correlation coefficient between total area of 4 leaves (from flag to the fourth leaf) and grain yield was ${\gamma}$=0.666$^{**}$ In regard to the position of leaves, correlation coefficient values of flag, the second, the third and the fourth leaf were ${\gamma}$=0.659$^{**}$, ${\gamma}$=0.609$^{**}$, ${\gamma}$=0.464$^{*}$ and ${\gamma}$=0.523$^{*}$, respectively. Correlation coefficient between total weight of leaf blades and the grain yield was ${\gamma}$=0.678$^{**}$. In regard to the position of leaves, that of flag leaf was ${\gamma}$=0.691$^{**}$, and ${\gamma}$=0.654$^{**}$ for the second leaf, ${\gamma}$=0.570$^{**}$ for the third, and ${\gamma}$=0.544$^{**}$ for the fourth. Correlation between the weight of leaves (blade weight plus sheath weight) and the grain yield showed similar values. In the relationship between plant weight and grain yield there also was significant correlation, but with highly significant value only for the first node-part. There appeared correlation between total weight of leaf sheath and grain yield with the value of ${\gamma}$=0.572$^{**}$ and in regard to the position of each leaf sheath the values were ${\gamma}$=0.623$^{**}$ for the flag leaf, ${\gamma}$=0.486$^{**}$ for the second leaf, ${\gamma}$=0.513$^{**}$ for the third, ${\gamma}$=0.450$^{**}$ for the fourth. However, there was no significant correlation between culm weight and grain yield. 6. With respect to in gain yield, varietal differences in magnitude of leaf area, weight of leaf blade, leaf weight per unit area, weight of leaf sheath, culm weight, total leaf and stem weight were larger in the case of high yielding varieties and decreased in accordance with decreasing yield. And this tendency also was shown in the varietal differences of magnitude of each part. Variation in magnitude of each part for the leaf area, weight of leaf blade, culm weight was significantly small in high yielding varieties compared to low yielding varieties. 7. Plant constitutional ratio of each organ of the elongating node-part in term of weight magnitnde varied to som extent according to varieties indicating leaf blade 27.6%, leaf sheath 39.5%, culm 32.9% in the case of high yielding varieties, leaf blade 25.5%, leaf sheath 38.1%, culm 36.4% in the case of low yielding varieties, and medium yielding varieties showed intermadiate values. 8. Far higher values of the weight ration of leaf blade to culm and leaf sheath to culm were given to the high yielding varieties compared to low yielding varieties. And medium yielding varieties showed intermadiate values. II. Effects of application rate of nitrogen on the morphological characteristics of the elongating node-part, nitrogen content of leaf blade, and their relation with the grain yield of the rice were observed with 3 rice varieties; Shin No.2, Shirogane, and Jinheung varying application amounts of nitrogen as 8kg, 12kg and 16kg per 10 are. 1. As for the variation of morphological magnitude s affected by the amounts of nitrogen application, total leaf area (4 leaves from the flag leaf) increased to 16.5% at 12kg N plot, and about 30% at 16kg N polt compared to 8kg N plot and total weight of leaf blade also increased to similar extent, respectively, in contrast with weight of leaf sheath increasing 4.9% and 7.8%, respectively. However, the weight of culm decreased to 1.5% and 11.2%at the 12kg N plot and 16kg N plot, respectively, and these decreasing rate was noted at the nodes of lower part. 2. As for the verietal differences in variation of morphological magnitude as affected by the amount of nitrogen fertilization, leaf area coefficient value of variation of the total leaf area was 15.40% for Shin No. 2, 12.87% for Shirogane, and 10.99% for Jinheung. With respect to the position of nodes, the largest variation of leaf blade magnitude was observed at the fourth for Shin No. 2, the second for Shirogan, and flag leaf for Jinheung. And there also was an isotonic varietal difference in the weight of leaf blade. Variation in total culm weight showed varietal differences with the coefficient value of 7.72% for Shin No.2, 12.11% for Shirogane, and 0.94% for Jinheung. There also was varietal differences in the variation according to the position of nodes. 3. Variation of each elongating node-part related to the fertilization amount decreased with the increase of fertilization amount in the items of leaf area, weight of leaf sheath, culm weight, but weight of leaf sheath varied more at heavier fertilization than at others. 4. Constitutional ratio of each organ excluding head also varied with fertilization amount; constitutional ratio of leaf blade increased much with the increasing amount of fertilization in contrast with the response of culm eight. However, constitutional ration of the weight of leaf sheath was not much affected. 5. Lower value of the ration of leaf blade to culm was given to the 8kg N per 10 are plot, and the ratio of leaf blade to leaf sheath decreased with the increasing amount of fertilization in contrast with the increase in the ratio of leaf sheath to culm. however, the ration of leaf blade to culm plus leaf sheath decreased. 6. With the increase of nitrogen fertilization, leaf area, weight of leaf blade and leaf sheath increased. Accordingly, grin yield also increased to some extent. It was noted that culm weight was changed inversely to the changes in grain yield, but the degree of this variation varied with varietal characteristics. 7. Nitrogen content of leaves at heading and fruiting stage varied with the fertilization amount, and average nitrogen content of leaves of the varieties used 2.19%, 2.49% and 2.74% at the plot of 8kg N, and 12kg N and 16kg N per 10 are, respectively, at heading time, and 0.80%, 0.92% and 1.03% at each plot at fruiting stage. Thus, nitrogen content of leaves increased much with the increasing amount of fertilization, and higher value was given to the leaves on the higher position of elongating node-part. 8. There also was variation of nitrogen content of leaves in accordance with the varieties. However higher grain yield was obtained from the plants retaining higher nitrogen content in leaves at heading or fruiting stage.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.10
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• pp.1-43
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• 1971

Experiment I: The objective of this study was to know variation in some selected agronomic characters of sweet sorghum when planted in several growing seasons. The 17 different sweet sorghum varieties having various maturities, and plant, syrup and sugar types were used in this study which had been carried out for the period of two years from 1968 to 1969 at Industrial Crops Division of Crop Experiment Station in Suwon. These varieties were planted at an interval of 20 days from April 5 to August 25 both in 1968 and 1969. The experimental results could be summarized as follows: 1. As planting was made early, the number of days from sowing to germination was getting prolonged while germination took place early when planted at the later date of which air temperature was relatively higher. However, such a tendency was not observed beyond the planting on August 25. In general, a significant negative correlation was found between the number of days from sowing to germination and the average daily temperature but a positive correlation was found between the former and the total accumulated average temperature during the growth period. 2. The period from sowing to heading was generally shortened as planting was getting delayed. The average varietal difference in number of days from sowing to heading was as much as 30.2 days. All the varieties were grouped into early-, medium and late-maturing groups based upon a difference of 10 days in heading. The average number of days from sowing to heading was 78.5$\pm$4.5 days in the early-maturing varieties, 88.5$\pm$4.5 days in the medium varieties and 98.5$\pm$4.5 days in the late-maturing varieties, respectively. The early-maturing varieties had the shortest period to heading when planted from July 15 to August 5, the medium varieties did when planted before July 15 and the late-maturing varieties did when planted before June 5. 3. The relationship between the sowing date (x) and number of days from sowing to heading could be expressed in an equation of y=a+bx. A highly positive correlation was found between the coefficient of the equation(shortening rate in heading time) and the average number of days from sowing to heading. 4. The number of days from sowing to heading was shortened as the daily average temperature during the growth period was getting higher. Early-maturing varieties had the shortest period to heading at a temperature of 24.2$^{\circ}C$, medium varieties at 23.8$^{\circ}C$ and late-maturing varieties at 22.9$^{\circ}C$, respectively. In other words, the number of days from sowing to heading was shortened rapidly in case that the average temperature for 30 days before heading was 22$^{\circ}C$ to $25^{\circ}C$. It prolonged relatively when the temperature was lower than 21$^{\circ}C$. 5. There was a little difference in plant height among varieties. In case of early planting, no noticeable difference in the height was observed. The plant height shortened generally as planting season was delayed. Elongation of plant height was remarkably accelerated as planting was delayed. This tendency was more pronounced in case of early-maturing varieties rather than late-maturing varieties. As a result, the difference in plant height between the maximum and the minimum was greater in late-maturing varieties than in early-maturing varieties. 6. Diameter of the stalk was getting thicker as planted earlier in late-maturing varieties. On the other hand, medium or early-maturing varieties had he thickest diameter when they were planted on April 25. 7. In general, a higher stalk yield was obtained when planted from April 25 to May 15. However, the planting time for the maximum stalk yield varied from one variety to another depending upon maturity of variety. Ear]y-maturing varieties produced the maximum yield when planted about April 25, medium varieties from April 25 to May 15 and late-maturing varieties did when planted from April 5 to May 15 respectively. The yield decreased linearly when they were planted later than the above dates. 8. A varietal difference in Brix % was also observed. The Brix % decreased linearly when the varieties were planted later than May 15. Therefore, a highly negative relationship between planting date(x) and Brix %(y) was detected. 9. The Brix % during 40 to 45 days after leading was the highest at the 1st to the 3rd internodes from the top while it decreased gradually from the 4th internode. It increased again somewhat at the 2nd internode from the ground level. However, it showed a reverse relationship between the Brix % and position of internode before heading. 10. Sugar content in stalk decreased gradually as planting was getting delayed though one variety differed from another. It seemed that sweet sorghum which planted later than June had no value as a sugar crop at all. 11. The Brix % and sugar content in stalk increased from heading and reached the maximum 40 to 45 days after heading. The percentage of purity showed the same tendency as the mentioned characters. Accordingly, a highly positive correlation was observed between. percentage of purity and Brix % or sugar content in stalk. 12. The highest refinable sugar yield was obtained from the planting on April 25 in late-maturing varieties and from that on May 15 in early-maturing varieties. The yield rapidly decreased when planted later than those dates. Such a negative correlation between planting date(x) and refinable sugar yield(y) was highly significant at 1% level. 13. Negative correlations or linear regressions between delayed planting and the number of days from sowing to germination. accumulated temperature during germination period, number of days to heading, accumulated temperature to heading, plant height, stem diameter, stalk weight, Brix %. sugar content, refinable sugar yield or Purity % were obtained. On the other hand, highly positive correlations between the number of days from sowing to heading(x) and Brix %, sugar content, purity %, refinable sugar yield, plant height or stalk yield, between Brix %(x) and purity %, refinable sugar yield or stalk yield, between sugar content(x) and purity% or refinable sugar yield(y), between purity %(x) and refinable sugar yield and between daylength at heading(x) and Brix %. number of days from sowing to heading, sugar content, purity % or refinable sugar yield (y), were found, respectively. Experiment II: The 11 varieties were selected out of the varieties used in Experiment I from ecological and genetic viewpoints. Complete diallel cross were made among them and the heading date, stalk length, stalk yield, Brix %, syrup yield, combining ability and genetic behavior of F$_1$ plants and their parental varieties were investigated. The results could be summarized as follows: 1. In general, number of days to heading showed a partial dominance over earliness or late maturity or had a mid-value, though there were some specific combinations showing a complete dominance or transgressive segregation in maturity. Some combinations showed relatively high general or specific combining abilities in maturity. Therefore, a 50 to 50 segregation ratio in heading date could be estimated in this study and it might be positive to have a selection in early generation since heritability of the character was relatively high. 2. A vigorous hybrid vigor was observed in stalk length. A complete or partial dominant effect of long stalk was obtained. The general combining ability and specific combining ability of stalk length were generally high. Long and short stalks segregated in a ratio of 50:50 and its heritability was relatively low. 3. Except for several specific combinations, high stalk yield seemed to be partial dominant over the low yield. Some varieties demonstrated relatively high general as well as specific combining abilities. It was assumed that several recessive genes were involved in expression of this character. The interaction among regulating recessive genes was also obtained. Accordingly, the heritability of stalk yield seemed to be rather low. 4. The Brix % of hybrid plants located around mid-parental value though some of them showed much higher or lower percentage. It could be explained by the fact that such behavior might be due to partial dominance of Brix %. The varieties with, relatively higher Brix % were high both in general. and specific combining abilities. Therefore, it could be recommended to use the varieties having higher sugar content in order to develop higher-sugar varieties. 5. The syrup yield seemed to be transgressively segregated or completely dominant over low yield. Hybrid vigor of syrup yield was relatively high. No-consistent relationship between general combining ability and specific combining ability was observed. However, some cases demonstrated that the varieties with relatively higher general combining ability had relatively lower specific combining ability. It was assumed that the frequencies of dominant and recessive alleles were almost same.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.