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Analysis of the Stage and Performance Elements for Bongsudang-jinchan Banquet in Joseon Dynasty (봉수당진찬(奉壽堂進饌)의 무대와 공연 요소 분석)

  • Song, Hye-jin
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.18
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    • pp.413-444
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    • 2009
  • This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

A Study on the Excavated Sab(a funeral fan) from Lime-filled Tomb and Lime-layered Tomb during the Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 회격·회곽묘 출토 삽(翣)에 대한 고찰)

  • Yi, Seung Hae;An, Bo Yeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.43-59
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    • 2008
  • Sap(?, a funeral fan) is a funeral ceremonial object used in association with a Confucian ceremonial custom, which was crafted by making a wooden frame, attaching a white cloth or a thick paper onto it, drawing pictures on it, and making a holder for a handle. According to Liji(Records of Rites), Sap was used since the Zhou Dynasty, and these Chinese Sap examples are no big different than the Korean Sap examples, which were described in Joseon Wangjo Sillok(Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Gukjo Oryeui(the Five Rites of the State), and Sarye Pyeollam(Handbook on Four Rituals). This study explored Sap excavated in lime-filled tombs and lime-layered tombs of aristocrats dating back to Joseon, as well as their historical records to examine Sap's characteristics according to their examples, manufacturing methods, and use time. The number and designs of Sap varied according to the deceased' social status aristocrats used mainly one pair of 亞-shaped Bulsap, and a pair of Hwasap with a cloud design depicted on it. A Sap was wrapped twice with Chojuji paper or Jeojuji paper, and for the third time with Yeonchangji paper. Then, it was covered with a white ramie, a hemp, a cotton, a silk satin, etc. Bobul(an axe shape and 亞-shape design) was drawn on both sides of Sap, and a rising current of cloud was drawn at the peripheral area mainly with red or scarlet pigments. Sap, which were excavated from aristocrats'lime-filled and lime-layered tombs, are the type of Sap which were separated from its handle. These excavated Sap are those whose long handles were burnt during the death carriage procession, leaving Sap, which later were erected on both sides of the coffin. The manufacturing process of excavated relics can be inferred by examining them. The excavated relics are classified into those with three points and those with two points according to the number of point. Of the three-point type(Type I), there is the kind of relic that was woven into something like a basket by using a whole wood plate or cutting bamboo into flat shapes. The three-point Sap was concentrated comparatively in the early half of Joseon, and was manufactured with various methods compared with its rather unified overall shape. In the meantime, the two-point Sap was manufactured with a relatively formatted method; its body was manufactured in the form of a rectangle or a reverse trapezoid, and then its upper parts with two points hanging from them were connected, and the top surface was made into a curve(Type II) or a straight line(Type III) differentiating it from the three-point type. This manufacturing method, compared with that of the three-point type, is simple, but is not greatly different from the three-point type manufacturing method. In particular, the method of crafting the top surface into a straight line has been used until today. Of the examined 30 Sap examples, those whose production years were made known from the buried persons'death years inscribed on the tomb stones, were reexamined, indicating that type I was concentrated in the first half of the $16^{th}$ century. Type II spanned from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century to the second half of the $17^{th}$ century, and type III spanned from the first half of the $17^{th}$ century to the first half of the $18^{th}$ century. The shape of Sap is deemed to have changed from type I to type II and again from type II to type III In the $17^{th}$ century, which was a time of change, types II and III coexisted. Of the three types of Sap, types II and III re similar because they have two points; thus a noteworthy transit time is thought to have been the middle of the $16^{th}$ century. Type I compared with types II and III is thought to have required more efforts and skills in the production process, and as time passed, the shape and manufacturing methods of Sap are presumed to have been further simplified according to the principle of economy. The simplification of funeral ceremonies is presumed to have been furthered after Imjinwaeran(Japanese invasion of Joseon, 1592~1598), given that as shown in the Annals of King Seonjo, state funerals were suspended several times. In the case of Sap, simplification began from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century, and even in the $18^{th}$ century, rather than separately crafting Sap, Sap was directly drawn on the coffin cover and the coffin. However, in this simplification of form, regulations on the use of Sap specified in Liji were observed, and thus the ceremony was rationally simplified.

A Study on Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n (${\ll}$방약합편(方藥合編)${\gg}$에 대한 연구)

  • Kim, Hyung-Tae;Yoon, Chang-Yeul
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.5
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    • pp.151-199
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    • 1992
  • A study on Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, one of the most widely-known Korean medicine books, has been conducted and the findings are as follows:the political and social background at the end of Yi-dynasty amidst the inflow of western civilization and the aggression of foreign forces can be seen as a historical period of trial, when civilization and independence had to be preserved at the same time, during the period, the social trend was to pursue a rapid practical solution rather than a profound theory. Responding to this trend, simple and easy medical science became to prevailand the representative medicine book of this kind was Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n. 1. Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n was written comprising the characteristics of simple and easy medical science with a view to popularizing-collection of logics, easy readability, medical science in time, etc. 2. Bang Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, rich and grand in content, came out of Dong-$\breve{U}$i-Bo-Gam at the right moment as a pragmatic guide book of Korea medical practice symbolizing Korean spirit. 3. Do-yun Whang whose pen name was Hye-Am was born in Changwon, Kyungnam-do as the 18th descendant of Changwon Whang family. He engaged in medical practice in Seoul and wrote and edited Boo-Bang-Py$\breve{u}$n-Ram. $\breve{U}$i-Jong-Son-Ik, $\breve{U}$i-J$\breve{u}$ng-Son-Ik-Bu-Yeo, $\breve{U}$i-Bang-Whan-Tu, ect. and made his son, Pil-Su follow him and let him edit Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, which put $\breve{U}$i-Bang-Whal-Tu and Son-Ik-Bon-Cho together. 4. The construct of Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n can be subdivied into three parts: herbs of 34 classes and 514 kinds were arranged on the upper part and $\breve{U}$i-Bang-Whal-Tu was arranged on the middle end lower part. Such arrangement can be very effective in clinics. 5. Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n as a curative book of Korean medical science has been a necessary another ego for many Korean medical practioners. It also played a great role of enhancing Korean oriental medical science to be widely used by Koreans. On the other hand, it produced a side effect of emergence of employed medical practioner who lacked in scholastic aptitude. 6. Tens or newly edited Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n have been issued. Among them, Jung-Jeong, Bang-Yak-Hap-py$\breve{u}$n, J$\breve{u}$ng-Mak-Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n. By$\breve{u}$n-J$\breve{u}$ng-Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, and By$\breve{u}$n-J$\breve{u}$ng-Bang-Yak-Jung-Jeon have been widely known. Lately, Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n which includes more symptoms and remedies or is translated into Korean came out in several kinds. 7. The number of korea classical medicinal books quoted in Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n is 68, among which Dong-$\breve{U}$i-Bo-Gam Occupies the top in the list enlisting 69 medicinal treatment. This Shows that Dong-$\breve{U}$i-Bo-Gam gave birth to Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n.

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A Study on the Evolution of the Holding and Utilizing System of Fisheries Resources in Korea (수산자원 소유.이용제도의 변천에 관한 연구)

  • 류정곤
    • The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.1-52
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    • 1991
  • This study deals with the evolutional history of the holding and utilization of fisheries resources in Korea. Fisheries resources have the basic characteristics of the density dependent self-regulating renewable and common property resources, Irrational utilization of fisheries resources is mainly due to the unlimited access to the resources. The holding and utilization of fisheries resources in Koryo era was opened to everyone. But it was nationalized in the early Yi Dynasty. The purpose of its nationalization was to provent the paticular powered-man with their monoplized holding and to levy fisheries tax. Eoeop-peop, the first modern fisheries law in Korea, was enacted as a part of the invasion policy of Japan in 1908. With the japanese annexation of Korea in 1910, the Japanese Government established a new institutional system of fisheries as a part of an overall reformation of the institutional for an implementation of the colonial policy. It was very the new enacted Fisheries Law (Gyogyorei). Also the Government enacted compulsorily another new Fisheries Law (Chosen Gyogyorei) with its adjunct laws and regulations revise the institutional system of fisheries on May 1, 1930. After Eoeop-peop enactment, the fisheries resources in Korea could be used only under the license, permission, and statement. After Korea was from Japan in 1945, Korea Government at last enacted the new fisheries law (Susaneop-peop) in 1953. The goal of Susaneop-peop was to achive the general usage and protection of the fisheries resources, and to attain the development and democratization of the fishery in Korea. This law was amended 13 times until 1990. The license fishery have a legal right on the fishery, called a fishery rigt. This right means a right of exclusive occupation and utilization of a unit of the inshore fishing grounds. The main evolutional issues of license fishery are as the following : 1) the foundation of the exclusive usable fishery right(1911, Gyogyorei), 2) the deletion of the settled U9space lift net and settled space sein net fishery, and the expansion of the cooperative fishery-No.1, 2, and 3 type cooperative fishery-(3rd amendment, 1963), 3) the deletion of the No.2 and 3 type cooperative fishery, and the separation of the culturing fishery in No.1 and 2 type culturing fishery (13th amendment, 1990). The effective period of the license fishery was amended as the following : 1) 1908(Eoeop-peop) : within 10 years, renovation system, 2) 1929(Chosen Gyogyorei) : within 10 years, unlimited extension system, 3) 1971. 7th amendment : 10 years, renovation system, 4) 1972. 8th amendment : 10 years, only 1 extension system, 5) 1975. 9th amendment : 5-10 years, only 1 extension system, 6) 1990.13th amendment : 10 years, within 10 years of total extensional years. The priority order of the fishery license was established in 1953 (Susaneop-peop). The amendment of it is as follows : 1) 1953. enactment \circled1 the fishing grounds that the fishery right is extablished 1st order : the existing fishery right man, unlimited renovation 2nd order : the corporate that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 new fishing grounds 1st order : the corporate that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the rest experienced fishermen 2) 1971. 9th amendment \circled1 the fishing grounds that the fishery right is established 1st order : the existing fishery right man, unlimited renovation 2nd order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 4th order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 new fishing grounds 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen 3) 1981. 10th amendment \circled1 the inside of No.1 type cooperative fishing grounds 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd orer : the rest experienced fishermen 4) 1990. 13th amendment \circled1 No.1 type cultural fishery 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 No.2 type cultural and settle fisher : general priority order The effective period of the permission fishery was amended 6 timed. First, it was within 5 years and renovation system (Eoeop-peop). Now it is 5 years and renovation system. The effective period of the statement fishery was amended 4 times. First, it was within 5 years, and then was amended within 3 years(Chonsen Gyogyorei). Now it is 5 years.

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Interpretation of Landscape Elements in Borimsa Temple after 17th Century (17세기 이후 장흥 보림사(長興 寶林寺)의 경관요소 해석)

  • Kim, Kyu-Won;Sim, Woo-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.33 no.1
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    • pp.110-118
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    • 2015
  • Borimsa Temple in Jangheung, one of the Goosanseonmoon of Shilla Dynasty, calls for a study in the field of landscape architecture because it has very significant elements in cultural and ecological landscaping aspects. This study examined the changes in landscaping elements of Borimsa Temple since the 17th century in order to newly recognize cultural landscaping value of space composition elements for traditional temple and to verify landscape architectural position. For research method, literatures such as Sajeonggi (事蹟記), Joongchanggi, a surveyed map by Fujishima Gaijiro in 1928 and Joseon Gojeogdobo (朝鮮古蹟圖譜) and modern documents including Borimsa Temple Precision Ground Survey Report and photographic records of National Archives of Korea and provincial governments were examined together with a field survey in order to trace changes in landscape elements such as buildings within the temple site, pond and temple forest. The results are as the following: First, for geographical locations of Borimsa Temple, it is located in an auspicious location and Shipyuknahansang and Cheonbul were placed in a supplementary purpose according to the contents of Bojoseonsatapbi. Compared to Namhwaseonsa Temple in China, it has a similar environmental composition but the fact that buildings were placed on platforms is a distinctive difference. Second, architectural landscape of Borimsa Temple went through the Japanese colonial era and Korean War and still going through changes today. Thus, there shall be some appropriate measures such as to establish an archive of past landscape data. Third, the contents of Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi suggests that the pond of Borimsa Temple had been in a indeterminate form with stones on the outer edge. Its name could have been Yongcheon (湧泉) according to the contents of Joongchanggi. Also, the current landscape, in comparison with past photographs, is a result of changes from surface raise occurred by ground reinforcement within the temple site. Fourth, Jangsaengpyoju (長生標柱) mentioned in Bojoseonsatapbi and Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi was thought to be the dried juniper tree in front of Daewoongbojeon, which can be found in past photographic documents but, it is now assumed to be Seokbihyeong (石碑形) considering the Gukjangsaeng and Hwangjangsaeng of Dogapsa Temple of the similar time period. Moreover, Hongsalmoon mentioned in Joongchanggi was established by King's order after the Manchu war of 1636 in praising of Buddhist monks those who had volunteered to fight for the country. Fifth, it is apparent in Borimsa Temple Joongchanggi that geomancy was a consideration in landscaping process of Borimsa Temple, and the record indicates that pine trees, bo trees and persimmon trees were planted. Sixth, tea tree forest was verified of its historical root that is Seongchailyeo from Unified Shilla through passing down of Jeong Yak-yong's Goojeunggoopo method and relevant documents of Seon Master Choui and Yi Yu-won. Seventh, nutmeg tree forest suggests that nutmegs were used in national ceremonies and for medical uses. The nutmeg tree forest was also verified of its role as Naehwasoorimdae (a forest built to prevent fire from spreading) through aerial photographs and placement of a forest reserve.

A Study on the Qiu Zheng Lu (求正錄) of Zhang J ie Bin (張介賓) (장개빈(張介賓)의 <구정록(求正錄)>에 관한 연구(硏究))

  • Park, Hyuk-Kyu;Maeng, Woong Jea
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
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    • v.18 no.2
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    • pp.137-187
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    • 2005
  • This thesis study of the medical concept Qiu Zheng Lu (求正錄) is discussed in the Lei Jing Fu Yi (類經附翼), a book authored by Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) a medical doctor during the Chinese Ming (明) dynasty (1368-1683). The meaning of Qiu Zheng Lu (求正錄) is "searching for the rightness." In his book Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) intended to clarify Qiu Zheng Lu (求正錄) by delineating the concept into four categories. These are: Sanjiao Baoluo Mingmen Bian (三焦包絡命門 辨) the theory of the triple warmer, the Pericardium, the Gate of Life ; Da Bao Lun (大寶論) the theory of the great treasure of the human body; Zhen Yin Lun (眞陰論) the theory of true-yin fluid; and Shi Er Zang Mai Hou Bu Wei Lun (十二臟脈候部位論) the theory of the part of the pulse and its condition in regards to the twelve viscera. Sanjiao Baoluo Mingmen Bian (三焦包絡命門辨), the theory of the triple warmer, the Pericardium, the Gate of Life. The triple warmer (三焦: Sanjiao) is composed of three parts: the upper, middle, and lower. This concept is also connected with the functions and roles of the vital organs. The upper burner is related to the heart and lungs. The middle burner is related to the liver and spleen. Whereas, the lower burner is related to the kidneys. Bao-Luo (包絡) is the Pericardium, the envelope of the heart, serving as the protector of the heart. Ming-Men (命門) is the Gate of Life, reffering to the vitals of life. It functions as kidney-yang which is considered as the origin of yang-energy of the human body, and serves partly as the function of cortico-adrenal gland in modern medicine. Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) discussed the Da Bao Lun (大寶論) as the most important function in the human body because the Da Bao (大寶/great treasure) is the true-yang (眞陽) which is the affective force for physiological functions, and as the source of energy for life activities. Moreover, true-yang (眞陽) functions both as a heater and thermometer that warms the human body and indicates vitality by levels of body warmth respectively. The Zhen Yin Lun (眞陰論) theory states that if true-yang (眞陽) is energy, then true-yin (眞陰) is the source of energy. This can be likened to a tree with roots which absorbs nutrients from the ground (source), and spreads the nutrients (energy) through its branches. Thus, true-yin (眞陰) is the root cause for later functional activities of true-yang (眞陽). In Shi Er Zang Mai Hou Bu Wei Lun (十二臟脈候部位論) the theory of the pulse (脈 /Mai) and its condition in regards to the twelve viscera, Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) insisted that when a diagnoses by the pulse is made the five vital organs and the six viscera (五臟六腑) of a human body should be harmoniously arranged in accordance with its respective part of the pulse. Furthermore, Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) supported his theory with evidence from earlier Chinese medical doctors. And, by stating that human beings must cultivate and preserve their true-yin (眞陰) and true-yang (眞陽) energies he therefore created four new prescriptions called: Zuoguiyin (左歸飮), Youguiyin (右歸飮), Zuoguiwan (左 歸丸), Youguiwan (右歸丸). To further clarify his theory Zhang Jie Bin (張介賓) considered that the function of true-yang (眞陽) and true-yin (眞陰) is expressed by Ming-Men (命門). This theory is that for humans to be spiritually and physically healthy they must live in accord with natural law. Also, within the framework of natural law, astronomical and geographical factors must be considered for complete, holistic, health. Thus, Ming-Men is the basis for healthy living in the modern world.

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A Study on the Administration for the Han River Water Quality Control (漢江 水質保全 行政에 관한 硏究)

  • Kim, Kwang Hyop
    • Journal of Environmental Health Sciences
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    • v.10 no.2
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    • pp.9-40
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    • 1984
  • This thesis purports to overview the diverse administrative and organizational factors and plannings developed by the government organizations, municipal or otherwise, to tackle the Han River water pollution issues in the past years. This thesis also looks into the ever-worsening Han River water pollution problems, in particular, in terms of the various government plans ostensibly designed to reduce the pollution level but with little success. Also dealt with are the efficiencies with which the laws and decrees on water pollution the administrative organizations put to use in the prosecution of the diverse antiwater pollution projects involving the Han River basin. From the early 1960's up to the 1970's the government had concentrated on the growth-oriented economic policy with the result that little attention had been paid to the water pollution and other environmental issues that are bound to arise from the massive economic growth. Belatedly, the five-year Hah River Development Project was initiated in 1982 with emphasis on reducing the water pollution level at Hah River to the minimum. The following are the gists of the thesis and recommendations for the future antiwater pollution plans by the administrative organizations: 1. Documents to date indicate that the irrigation projects along the Han River area had been the main focus of attention during the Yi Dynasty and under the Japanese rule of the country. 2. Despite that the water pollution issue became the subject of many debates among the academic and research institutions in the 1960's and in the 1970's, the administrative organizations in charge of the Han River water quality control failed to come up with a concrete plan for the river's water quality control. 3. Nevertheless, the water pollution of the Han River area in fact began in the 1950's, with the unprecedented concentration into Seoul of population and the industrial facilities on a larger scale, in particular, enforced by the government's strong growthoriented policy in its Economic Development plans in the 1960's. 4. Starting in the 1960's, the Han River water pollution level dramatically increased, but the government was reluctant to promulgate or put into effect strong measures to curb the many factors contributing to the river water pollution, thus worsening the environmental issues along the Han River basin. 5. The environmental protection law and other laws and decrees relating to the antiwater and air pollution issues that were subsequently put into effect underwent so many changes that efficient anti-water pollution policies could not be effected for the Han River basin. The frequent organizational reshuffle within the administrative units concerned with environmental problems has resulted in the undue waste in personnel management and finance. 6. The administration on the environmental protection could not be efficiently carried out due to the organizational overlapping. Under the existing law, frequent organizational frictions and inefficiency are bound to occur among the central government offices themselves, as well as between the central government and the Seoul city administration, and among the city's administrative offices over the conservation of the Han River basin and over the river's anti-water pollution issue. 7. In the planning and prosecution of the Han River project, political influences from the president down to the lower-level politicious appear to have been involved. These political influences in the past had certainly had negative influence on the project, nevertheless, it appears that in the recent years, these political influences are not all that negative in view of the fact that they serve as a positive contributing factor in developing a better water quality control project along the Han River basin. The following are a few recommendations based on the data from the thesis: First, officials in charge of the Han River water quality control should pay attention to a careful screening of the opinions and recommendations from the academic circles and from the public should be made so that the government could better grasp the core issues in the environmental problems that require preventive and other necessary measures. Second, vigorous redistribution policies of population and industrial facilities away from the Seoul area should be pursued. Third, the government should refrain from revising or revamping too frequently the laws and decrees on the anti-water pollution, which is feared to cause undue inconveniences in the environmental administration. Fourth, a large-scale streamlining should be made to the existing administrative organization in an effort to do away with the inter- and intra-organizational friction. It is recommended that a secretariat for the Hah River basis conservation be established. Fifth, High-level administrative officials, with a thorough knowledge and vision on the Han River water quality control, should be prepared to better deal with the budgeting and personnel management for the Han River water pollution control not only at the control government, but also at the Seoul city municipal government levels. Environmental issues should be kept distinct from political issues. Environmental issues should not serve as a window-dressing for sheer political purposes. Sixth, the Hah River proiect should also include, along with the main Han River basin, those areas covering North Han River, South Han River, and the tributaries to the main river basin. The 'Han River Basin Water Quality Control Board' should be established immediately as a means of strengthening the current Han River basin water quality control policy. Seventh, in drawing up the Han River proiect, the administrative officials should be aware that Han River basin is a life line for those people in the region, providing them with not only a sheer physical space, but with a psychological living space for their everyday life.

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A Study on the Formation Process and the Settling Period of the Gwandong-Palkyung by the Thematic Exploration of Joseon Landscape Poetry and Paintings (옛 시문과 그림으로 살핀 관동팔경(關東八景)의 형상화 및 정착시기)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Son, Hee-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.35 no.1
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    • pp.10-24
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    • 2017
  • The research takes note of the formation process and settling period of Gwandong-Palkyung(關東八景, Eight Sites of Eastern Korea), the representative palgyeong(prominent eight sites) and jipgyeong(集景, landscape collection of scenic beauty), and investigates the time of formation regarding the palkyung and jipgeyong of Gwandong's scenic beauty through the analysis and interpretation of bibliographic data, and reference data. The result of the study is as follows. As the first document that records the terminology of "Gwandong-Palkyung" is "Daphongeunggil(答洪應吉)" of Yi, Hwang(李滉), Gwandong-Palkyung is inferred to be settled within the recognition of the people even before the 16th century. The geographic analysis result including "Sinjeung Donggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)", Gwandong-Palkyung expanded as Gwandong-Sipkyung in early to middle of the 16th century. The first confirmed landscape collection regarding Gwandong-Palkyung in this study is confirmed in Shin Zup(申楫)'s "Yeonggwandong-Palkyung(詠關東八景)", thus, the terminology of Gwandong-Palkyung existed before 16th century at the latest. The settlement time of current "Palkyung" collection is estimated to be early 17th century at the latest. Poetries regarding Gwandong-Palkyung, and the frequency on the appearance of Gwandong scenic beauties are analyzed as making clear of the concentrated phenomenon on the sceneries of Gwandong-Palkyung. On the other hand, the collection of Gwandong-Palkyung in the domain of arts is confirmed initially in the ${\ll}$Gwandongpalkyungdobyeong(關東八景圖屛)${\gg}$ of Heo, Pil(許泌). Gwandong-Palkyung, expressed as the actual scene landscape painting shows similar tendencies of the conditions in the jipgyeong from the poetry, but the appearance rate of the painting subject was more prominent in visual solidarity and cohesion due to the reflection of the importance on icon(圖像) of the art works produced with particular meaning in the case of fixed ideal system. From late Joseon to modern times, ${\ll}$palpokbyeongpung(八幅屛風)${\gg}$ of various forms of folk painting is a corroborative evidence notifying that the cultural phenomenon of Gwandong-Palkyung has entered the universal period of embrace. Also, the 13 scenic beauties of Gangwon-Do appearing in the games of Namseungdo and Myeongseungyuramdo include Gwandong-Palkyung, which confirms the settlement of Gwandog-Palkyung even within the culture of games in late Joseon. Such results demonstrate the existence of awareness regarding Gwandong-Palkyung from the first half of the 15th century, which is presumed to have completely settled in the 17th century through the continuous development of formative process in the 16th century. Ultimately, Gwandong-Palkyung is the concrete formation of regional scenic beauties that individually gained its reputations as scenery from the Koryo Dynasty to late 17th century. Gwandong-Palkyung of the scenic beauty of Gwandong is a unique cultural scenery of the region that have germinated and formed through the process of cutting and polishing of long time to collect the best eight of scenic beauty from the many participation of sightseeing culture.

A Time Sequential Research on Changes in Jangchungdan Park during the Period of Japanese Colonial Rule (일제강점기 장충단공원 변화에 관한 시계열적 연구)

  • Kim, Hai-Gyoung;Choui, Hyun-Im
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.31 no.4
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    • pp.95-112
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    • 2013
  • Jangchungdan Park is now perceived as a mere park at the foot of Namsan mountain, but originally it was created to commemorate soldiers of Korean Empire on a site which name was Namsoyeong(南小營) during Joseon Dynasty. During the period of Japanese colonial rule, it was transformed into a park due to the rapidly changing circumstances, so the components expressing the validity of the colonial rule were introduced into the park. This paper examines the time sequential changes of Jangchungdan Park during the period of Japanese colonial rule, and the conclusions can be summarized as given below. Firstly, the park originally was a space to commemorate the soldiers who fought for the Korean Empire. It was built on formerly restricted area at the foot of Namsan Mountain in 1900, and it was arranged putting the ceremonial shrine Dansa (壇祠) as a central building and the annexes in the surroundings of it. The memorial ceremonies were held regularly in spring and autumn until 1909. Secondly, it became a city park for citizens of Gyeongseong-bu(the name of Seoul under the Japanese colonial rule). The authorities of Gyeongseong-bu reorganized Jangchungdan as a park in 1919, prohibited the performance of memorial ceremonies, and the existing buildings except the ceremonial shrine Dansa began to be used as park management facilities. Resting areas and amenities were supplemented for the usage of people from various backgrounds, and the large scale planting of cherry trees made the park a famous place to enjoy cherry-blossoms and other flowers in spring. Thirdly, it was reconstructed as a space to honor the influential personalities of Japanese colonial system. In 1932, Bankmun temple (博文寺) to commemorate Ito Hirobumi was constructed at a location that made it possible for a number of people to overlook Jangchungdan area. During that time, the buildings of traditional Joseon architecture were removed and reconstructed to serve as annexes to Bankmun temple. Due to the strategy to make Jangchungdan park a tourist attraction, Bankmun temple was included into the Gyeongseong sightseeing course, since the wide panorama of Jangchungdan Park and the whole city of Gyeongseong was opening from the temple. Various different components were introduced into Jangchungdan Park due to the rapidly changing circumstances; therefore the nature of the park was either altered or reproduced. Hopefully, the park rearrangement works will be executed paying respects to the memories of the past hereafter.

The Relationship Between Guunmong and Bok-gwae (<구운몽>과 『주역』 복괘의 관련 양상)

  • Shin, Jae-Hong
    • Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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    • no.38
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    • pp.139-173
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    • 2018
  • In the study of Guunmong, which is one of the representative classical $17^{th}$ century novels of the Joseon Dynasty, interpretations through The Book of Change(Juyeok) have recently emerged. It is necessary to more concretely investigate the themes of the research. The writer Kim man-jung wrote the work in an exile situation. In that time he composed a poem using Chinese letters with meaning connected to The book of Change. In particular, the discourse of Bok-gwae(復卦, ䷗) concentrating on the meaning of recovery might be a basis to construct the inner world of the work. The sentence of 'Bok goes well' in The Book of Change suitably match up with the hero's life in Guunmong. In addition the sentences of 'There is no illness in going and coming. So it will be no faults if friends arriver' can be applied to the meeting between the hero and heroines of Guunmong. The general declarations of The Book of Change are appropriate for explaining the contents of Guunmong. There are six Hyos that make up Gwae. The Hyos, from the first one at the bottom to the fifth one up above, connect to the characters of Guunmong. The phrase of 'Not going far away' regarding to the first Yang Hyo can be connected to Yang So-yu, hero of Guunmong. The phrase of 'Recovering beautifully' with regard to the second Eum Hyo can also be realized in the life of Jeong Gyeong-pae and Ga Chunun, two heroines of the work. The phrase of 'Danger owing to frequently recovering' regarding the third Eum Hyo can be applied to the position of Gye Seom-weol and Jeok Gyeong-hong. The phrase of 'Going middle with recovering alone' regarding the forth Eum Hyo can be matched with Sim Yo-yeon and Baek Reung-pa. The phrase of 'No regrets during an intense recovery' with regard to the fifth Eum Hyo is applicable to Yi So-hwa and Jin Chae-bong. The phrase of 'Boding of a confused recovering' regarding the sixth Eum Hyo is related to the writer's situation. The boding of confused recovering is owing to anti-royal road. The contrast between the royal road and the anti-royal road reflects Confucianism and Buddhism, dream and reality, and Yang So-yu in a dream and Seong Jin, who is same hero, in reality. Moreover, the structure of Guunmong which is organized in the form of reality-dream-reality, has a basis in this contrast. Considering these relationships, we can say the classical novel Guunmong is a fable of Bok-gwae. The work is a hopeful narration of an effective recovery that the writer anticipated in exile.