• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.39
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• pp.99-135
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• 2018

This study aims at examining the discussions of Chilgeojiak, meaning seven vices that can be valid causes of divorce, and the discourse on a married couple shown in the deposal of Empress Kwak in Okhwangibong. The study first analyzes the relationship between the incidents of expelling wives from homes in the Joseon Dynasty Era and the seven vices. The divorce of Yi Mi and Shin Taeyeong and the deposal of Queen Yun by King Seongjong show that the standards of judgement in most of the seven vices are unclear or controversial. In Okhwangibong, the arguments about Chilgeojiak are examined through the form of a novel with the expulsion of Empress Kwak. Empress Kwak was deposed by her husband, Emperor Kwangmu, due to jealousy and evil deeds. However, she was devoted to her parents-in-law, bore sons, and above all, she was the emperor's first wife and had gone through hard times and supported her husband. Considering these circumstances, her deposal is not quite agreeable. Readers have the same question, and this has become a cause of the creation of a series. The reasons for Empress Kwak's jealousy lie in Okhwan-a jade ring, the existence of Empress Eum, and the partial love of Emperor Kwangmu. That is, it is not Empress Kwak's fault. Additionally, unrealistic elements involved in Empress Kwak's evil deeds and the story structure focused on her work as factors that make readers support Empress Kwak. Therefore, Okhwangibong displays the realities regarding the discourse of husbands and wives of the era rather than the love in Okhwan, the jade ring, between Emperor Kwangmu and Empress Eum. Such understanding continues to exist in the following series and is a valid problem in the present time.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.359-386
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• 2015

To date, the study of the $jh{\bar{a}}peti$ is small. "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" was found in the Gumamodo University in 2006, research has gained a new opportunity. The '연약(練若)' of "Osamyunyaksinhakbiyoung(오삼연약신학비용)" is an abbreviation of ara?ya should be unified in "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung(五衫練若新學備用)". The second volume contains the following information. Since the Buddhist ritual of ordinary people, this made according to fit the rules in accordance with the environment(隨方毗尼). Obok(五服) is called according to the meaning Osam(五衫) of dressed standard. Gamguhyodangdo is to install one incense and one lanterns to illuminate their own buddha, is where enshrines the relics(śarīra). Back to the article, which should show the face bitter and sad hearts. Over white paper it should represent an article. Posts containing the meaning of the sacrifice must necessarily meant to inform heaven as articles for the dead. Such "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" of structure and contents of the second volume was reflected in "Sungmoonsanguicho(釋門喪儀抄)". "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" written intent is reflected in the prolegomena of the "Sungmoonsanguicho" it influenced $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites during the Joseon Dynasty. "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" of prepare after death and "Sunksiyoram(釋氏要覽)" of funeral was incorporated as "Sungmoonsanguicho". It built the $st{\bar{u}}pa$ is a symbol of tranquility achieved a kind of enlightenment. Human life ends with death, and it completed the $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites in "Sungmoonsanguicho". The significance here is in. Tying the funeral and burial in one enshrine the relics will be shown on the top by the completion of life. In particular, Kankyungdogam(刊經都監) published in the $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" were engraved production and dissemination. That it will have another significance.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.129-162
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• 2013

Noju Oh Hui-sang was a Confucian who was active during the reign of King Sunjo in late Joseon Dynasty and he also was a master of the Sallim faction. Though he is known as an eclectic Neo-Confucian, he had profound knowledge in the study of Confucian classics as well through succeeding the family study handed down by his father Oh Jae-sun and his oldest brother Oh Yun-sang. This thesis hereby examines Noju's Confucianism doctrine and its characteristics. Noju's Confucianism doctrine is characterized significantly with the following aspects. First, its analyses are detailed overall and it annotates chapters and verses mostly related to Neo-Confucian theories on interpretation of the Confucian classics. Second, it conducts in-depth study not only on Chu Hsi's annotation but also on the small commentaries (小注) in Compendium of the Commentaries on Four Chinese Classics (四書集註大全). In terms of Chu Hsi's theory, however, Noju interprets Confucian classics while supplementing shortcomings on Chu Hsi's theory rather than opposing it. For opinions of all philosophers and scholars on small commentaries, it expresses rather critical theories than supporting ones. Third, it quotes many theories not only of Chinese Confucians but also of Korean ones. It mainly introduces theories of Namdang Han Won-jin, including those of Yi Yulgok. Among them, it particularly has frequent quotations from Han Won-jin's Kyoungyigimunrok (經義記聞錄). Fourth, Noju actively acknowledges senior Confucians' theories many times in quoting them but he also daringly points out their errors when a theory is thought not to be appropriate. He indicates errors one by one in theories not only of Uam and Yulgok but even of Mencius. Fifth, it especially discusses Book of Changes (周易) in depth. It tends to criticize Chengzi's I-Chuan (易傳) but accept Chu Hsi's Benyi (本義). It roughly explains Book of Changes in general but seldom directly accounts for trigrams of it other than Qian trigram and it has detailed explanation especially on Xicizhuan (繫辭傳).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.35-58
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• 2014

This thesis is about Chungyongkugyongyonui(中庸九經衍義) by HoiJae Lee Eon Jeok (1491~1553). As many know, he was one of the philosophers representing the 16th century who played a great role in making the Zhūzǐ's Neo-Confucianism settle down in Joseon society through the dispute on TaeGeuk (太極) against Cho Han Bo (?~?). He was also the scholar who firmly established the theoretical system of the Idea for Proper Governance (至治主義). The Supplementary Explanation to the Chapters and Phrases of the Great Studies (大學章句補遺) and the Transcript of Nine Annotations on the Middle Way (中庸九經衍義) were written to argue his thoughts of the Idea for Proper Governance shown in the Great Studies (大學) and the Middle Way (中庸). He said that the Great Studies was more specific in the clauses for the justice of training oneself while the Middle Way more detail in the clauses for the justice of governor. That is, he thought that those books were in the relation of the in-and-outside, so that he argued that kings should take both justices of such for governance. Especially the Transcript of Nine Annotations on the Middle Way was written by following the way of the Annotation Transcript of the Great Studies (大學衍義) by Jin Deok Su (眞德秀), a scholar of Song Dynasty and the Supplementary Explanation to the Annotation Transcript of the Great Studies (大學衍義補) in order to make the King MyeongJong of that period realize the Proper Governance of the Two Great Emperors and Three Great Kings of Ancient China, which greatly influenced the Ten Figures of the Studies for the Great Man (聖學十圖) by ToiGye Lee Hwang and the Abstract of the Studies for the Great Man (聖學輯要) by YulGok Lee Yi.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.152-176
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• 2022

This paper, a basic study on the restoration of arrow quivers during the Three Kingdoms Period, aimed to contribute details to the existing plan to restore the arrow quivers. The arrow quivers of the Three Kingdoms Period consist of a pouch for holding arrows and a backpiece. However, the two parts do not remain, and only metal parts have been excavated. The excavated arrow quivers were classified into three types for restoration. Centered on the pouch, the quivers were classified into type 1 made up of a W-shaped part and ㄷ-shaped part, and type 2 with only the band-shaped piece identified. Type 3 is similar to type 2, but it is assumed to be a separate type where an iron band extending from the hanging piece(吊手金具) is connected to a band-shaped piece. Before proposing a restoration plan for the three types of arrow quivers, the location of the hanging piece (吊手金具) and the observation of organic matter were reflected. In addition, such details as the location of the hanging piece (吊手金具), which cannot be identified by the excavation status alone, were derived from the ways of wearing the arrow quivers observed in the Joseon Dynasty, Shosoin (正倉院), and Haniwa (埴輪) in Japan. Referring to the existing record on the transformation of arrow quivers based on the hanging piece (吊手金具), the arrow quivers change from type 1 to types 2 and 3 in this paper. However, some of types 2 and 3 maintain the ways of wearing of type 1, and there were cases where the old-fashioned parts were kept. In particular, in Haman (咸安), it was confirmed that the typical type 1 was buried up until late periods.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.114-131
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• 2014

The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.102-123
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• 2013

This paper is a study about the Gang Sehwang's (姜世晃 1713~1791) Ink Orchid Painting. Gang Sehwang is a representative literati gentleman who painted Four Gentlemen, for the first time, during the late Joseon Dynasty. There are 20 pieces of Ink Orchid Painting of his in Korea. His recognition of the Ink Orchid Painting can be understood through his records and analysis of his Ink Orchid Painting. He considered the sketch from the nature (寫生), practice of old paintings (古畵), and copy-training of the manual of paintings (畵譜). Particularly, Gang Sehwang focused on the copy-training of old paintings (古畵臨倣) which integrates the will and spirit of old literati gentlemen. This means that he had recognized the picture as a means of 'literature carrying morality (載道). Also, we could read self-discipline (修己的) values from his continuative copy-training of the manual of paintings (畵譜臨倣). Next, his Ink Orchid Painting were divided into the first half of the term (his 30s to 40s) and the second half of the term (his 60s to 78 years old). He had polished up on the Jieziyuanhuazhan ("芥子園畵傳") during the first half of the term and on the Shizhuzhaishuhuapu ("十竹齋書畵譜") or the Maejuknanguksabo ("梅竹蘭菊四譜") during the second half of the term. Therefore, it could be understood that he had depended on the manual of paintings (畵譜) for a long time. Nevertheless, he had completed the elegant and graceful Pyeoam Orchid (豹菴蘭)' based on his skill of the manual of paintings (畵譜) in his 70s. Finally, the 18th century Ink Orchid Painting and painters who lived (worked) at that time were investigated. He made?? the Albums of Calligraphy and Painting (書畵合壁帖) with Shim Sajeong (沈師正) and Choi Buk (崔北). They also interacted with each other by Calligraphy and Painting (書畵). Also, Yi Insang (李麟祥) and Im Heeji (林熙之) contributed to the diversification of the 18th century Ink Orchid Painting style by imitating Ink Orchid Painting with the manual of paintings (畵譜). Moreover, it is meaningful that the Ink Orchid Painting of Gang Se-hwang and the18th century Ink Orchid painters influenced the foundation of the 19th century Ink Orchid Painting fashion.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.197-222
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• 2009

In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.

• Conservation Science in Museum
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• v.26
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• pp.25-34
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• 2021

3D printing technology has been actively applied for the restoration of cultural properties. However, its application to the restoration of glass cultural properties has not yet been reported and thus requires further study. In this study, 3D printing technology was used to restore a defective part of a glass sarira bottle that forms an element of a series of sarira reliquaries commissioned by Yi Seonggye (known as King Taejo after founding the Joseon Dynasty) that was excavated from Geumgangsan Mountain (designated as Treasure No. 1925) and is currently housed at the National Museum of Korea. The defective area was reproduced using 3D printing and the printed reproduction was reproduced again using an epoxy resin. This latter piece was used as the restoration component rather than the 3D printed element. After the completion of the conservation treatment, the materials used for the 3D printing were compared with transparent materials used to restore ceramics to evaluate their usability and stability. A total of five specimens were produced, including from photocurable resin made by a stereo lithography apparatus (SLA), epoxy resin, acrylic resin, and more. They were exposed to UV for 96 hours to test for yellowing. Of the two specimens made of photocurable resins and exposed to UV, one was sprayed with a UV blocking agent but the other was exposed as-is. The UV exposure test showed that the specimen made by the SLA and sprayed with a UV blocking agent and the specimen made of epoxy resin were stable in terms of yellowing with a change in the b-value was less than 1. They are thus considered to be suitable materials for the restoration of glass cultural properties. Such glass cultural properties are often diverse in shape and their restoration can be difficult as they generally consist of a range of complex parts that hamper restoration. In this regard, diverse materials should be considered when selecting materials for the restoration of glass cultural properties.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.10-19
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• 2021

This study investigated the actual state and transformation of the major garden ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮) in the modern and contemporary period, focusing on Nakseonjae(樂善齋), Juhamnu(宙合樓), Jondeokjeong(尊德亭), and Daebodanji (大報壇址). This study can be used as useful data for establishing the restoration and maintenance plan of the garden ornaments in Changdeokgung Palace, and the main results of the study can be summarized as follows. First, according to a photo taken by the Czech Vráz, in 1901, a total of six garden ornaments, including a stone pond and odd-shaped stones, were located in the backyard of Nakseonjae. Since liberation, arbitrary relocation of garden ornaments has frequently occurred, and in the process, two odd-shaped stones, originally located on the first floor of the terraced flower bed, have been transferred to the backyard of Gyeonghungak(景薰閣). Second, unlike the late Joseon Dynasty when 「Donggwoldo(東闕圖)」 was produced, odd-shaped stones were arranged symmetrically in the backyard of Juhamnu in the early 1900s. It was a traditional style garden ornament with similar appearance, size, and design. However, all the odd-shaped stones in the backyard of Juhaumnu were relocated to other places in the 1970s and 1980s. One is located at the rear of Aeryeonjeong(愛蓮亭) through the entrance of Bingcheon(氷泉) and the vicinity of Geumcheongyo(錦川橋), and the other remains in front of the Yeongyeongdang Jangnakmun(演慶堂 長樂門). Third, among the garden ornaments located in the area of Jondeokjeong in the past, one odd-shaped stone is now relocated around the stone bridge near the pavilion and the Yeonghwadang(暎花堂) with its components separated. The bondstone near Yeonghwadang was relocated in 1990 for the purpose of installing an imitation of Angbuilgu(仰釜日晷). Another odd-shaped stone has been relocated to the front door of the Secret Garden(後苑), and now it is difficult to grasp the location. Fourth, the two bondstones remaining in the Daebodanji were actually building materials that were used as the foundation stone for the entrance pillars of the Yi Royal Office Building(李王職廳舍) during the Japanese colonial period. After liberation, the Yi Royal Office Building was reorganized into Imperial Estate Administration Office(皇室財産事務總局), and when the office building was burned down in 1960, the stone statues and foundation stones placed on the stylobate were relocated to the Daebodanji. The bondstone at Daebodanji is a representative example of construction materiasl being mistaken for gaeden ornaments.