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Interpretation Method of Eco-Cultural Resources from the Perspective of Landscape Ecology in Jeju Olle Trail (제주 올레길 생태문화자원 경관생태학적 해석기법 연구)

  • Hur, Myung-Jin;Han, Bong-Ho;Park, Seok-Cheol
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.128-140
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    • 2021
  • This study applied the theory of Landscape Ecology to representative resources of Jeju Olle-gil, which is a representative subject of walking tourism, to identify ecological characteristics and to establish a technique for landscape ecological analysis of Olle-gil resources. Jeju Olle Trail type based on the biotope type, major land use, vegetation status around Olle Trail and roads were divided into 12 types. Based on the type of ecological tourism resource classification, the Jeju Olle-gil walking tourism resource classification was divided into seven types of natural resources and seven types of humanities resources, and each resource was characterized by Geotope, Biotope, and Anthropopope, just like the landscape ecology system. Geotope resources are strong in landscape characteristics such as coast and beach, rocks, bedrocks, waterfalls, geology and Jusangjeolli Cliff, Oreum and craters, water resources, and landscape viewpoints. The Biotope resources showed strong ecological characteristics due to large tree and protected tree, Gotjawal, forest road and vegetation communities, biological habitat, vegetation landscape view point. Antropotope include Culture of Jeju Haenyeo and traditional culture, potting and lighthouses, experience facilities, temples and churches, military and beacon facilities, other historical and cultural facilities, and cultural landscape views. Jeju Olle Trail The representative resources for each type of Jeju Olle Trail are coastal, Oreum, Gotjawal, field and Stonewall Fencing farming land, Jeju Village and Stone wall of Jeju. In order to learn about the components and various functions of the resources representing the Olle Trail's ecological culture, the landscape ecological technique was interpreted. Looking at the ecological and cultural characteristics of coastal, the coast includes black basalt rocks, coastal vegetation, coastal grasslands, coastal rock vegetation, winter migratory birds and Jeju haenyeo. Oreum is a unique volcanic topography, which includes circular and oval mountain bodies, oreum vegetation, crater wetlands, the origin and legend of the name of Oreum, the legend of the name of Oreum, the culture of grazing horses, the use of military purposes, the object of folk belief, and the view from the summit. Gotjawal features rocky bumps, unique microclimate formation, Gotjawal vegetation, geographical names, the culture of charcoal being baked in the past, and bizarre shapes of trees and vines. Field walls include the structure and shape of field walls, field cultivation crops, field wall habitats, Jeju agricultural culture, and field walls. The village includes a stone wall and roof structure built from basalt, a pavilion at the entrance of the village, a yard and garden inside the house, a view of the lives of local people, and an alleyway view. These resources have slowly changed with the long lives of humans, and are now unique to Jeju Island. By providing contents specialized for each type of Olle Trail, tourists who walk on Olle will be able to experience the Olle Trail in depth as they learn the story of the resources, and will be able to increase the sustainable use and satisfaction of Jeju Olle Trail users.

An Interpretation of the Landscape Meaning and Culture of Anpyung-Daegun(Prince)'s Bihaedang Garden (안평대군 비해당(匪懈堂) 원림의 의미경관과 조경문화)

  • Shin, Sang-Sup;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.28-37
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    • 2011
  • In this study, the series-poem, Bihaedangsasippalyoung(48 poems for beautiful scene of Bihaedang), written by scholars of Jiphyonjeon for Bihaedang garden of Anpyung-Daegun(Prince Anpyung, 1416-1453), was analyzed focusing on scenery lexeme to interpret the meaning of scenery and gardening culture of Sadaebu(noblemen) during the first term of Chosun Dynasty. The study result is as followings. First, the subtitle of Sasippalyoung(48 poems) written by Anpyung-Daegun while he grew Bihaedang garden on the foot of Inwang Mountain showed repetitive nomativity comparing joining of yin and yang, such as life and form of animal and plan, time and space, meaning and symbolism, etc. Among scenery lexemes, 38 are represented plant and flowers, and 8 are represented gardening ornaments and animals. Second, the names of gardens were expressed as Wonrim, Jongje, Imchon(Trees and Ponds), or Hwawon(Flower garden), or also presented as Gongjeong(Empty garden), Manwon(Full garden), Jungjeong(Middle garden), Huwon(Backyard), Wonrak(Inner court), or Byulwon(Seperated garden) depending on density and location. In addition, there were pavilions and ponds, stepping stones and stairs, a pergola, a flat bench, flowerpots, an artificial hill, oddly shaped stones, wells, aviary, flower beds, or hedges. A gardener was called Sahwa(flower keeper), planting and gardening of garden trees were called Jaebae(cultivation), a pond island was called Boogoo(floating hill), and miniature landscapes were called Chukjee(reduced land). Third, willows were planted on the outdoor yard, and plum trees were planted in front of the library, which led to bamboo woods road. Peony, camellia, tree peony and crepe myrtle were planted on the inner court with mossy rocks, small artificial hills, glass rocks, flower pots. There were rectangular ponds, while breeding deer, dove, rooster, and cranes. Fourth, landscape elements were enjoyed as metaphysical symbolic landscape by anthropomorphism, such as (1) gentlemen and loyalty, (2) wealth and prosperity, (3) Taoist hermit and poetical life, (4) reclusion and seclusion, (5) filial piety, virtue, introspection, etc. In other words, the garden presented a variety of gardening culture appreciating meaningful landscape, such as investigation of things, reclusion and seclusion, and building orientation of a fairyland yearning eternal youth and Mureungdowon(Taoist Arcadia) by making a garden blending beautiful flowers and trees, with precious birds and animals. Fifth, there were many landscape appreciation schemes, such as Angkyung(looking-up), Bukyung(looking-down), Jeokyung(looking-under), Chakyung(bringing outer space into inside), Yookyung(flower viewing), Yojeong(walking around the garden enjoying flowers), Hwasaekhyangbyuk(flower gardening), and Garden appreciation enjoying landscape through time and seasons with different inspirations.

A Monitoring for Citizen Participation in Artificial Nest Boxes Using Mobile Applications (모바일 애플리케이션을 활용한 시민참여 인공새집 모니터링 방안 연구)

  • Kyeong-Tae Kim;Hyun-Jung Lee;Chae-Young Kim;Whee-Moon Kim;Won-Kyong Song
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.37 no.3
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    • pp.221-231
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    • 2023
  • Great tit (Parus major) is a bioindicator species that can measure environmental changes in urban ecosystems and plays an important role in maintaining health as a representative insectivorous bird. Researchers have utilized artificial nest box surveys to understand the reproductive ecology of the Paridae family of birds, including the Great tits, but it is difficult to conduct a macroscopic study due to spatial and temporal limitations. This study designed and applied a citizen-participatory monitoring of artificial nest boxes project to transcend the limitations of expert-centered monitoring methods. The Suwon Front Yard Bird Monitoring Team installed artificial nest boxes in green spaces in Suwon, Gyeonggi Province and observed the reproductive ecology of the Paridae family through the participation of voluntary citizen surveyors. Participants were recruited through an online survey from February 9 to February 22, 2021, and they directly performed from installation to observation of artificial next boxes from February 23 to August 31, 2021. Online education was provided to the volunteers for the entire monitoring process to lower the entry barrier for non-expert citizen surveyors and collect consistent data, and observation records were collected through a mobile app. A total of 98 citizen surveyors participated in the citizen-participatory monitoring of artificial nest boxes project, and 175 (84.95%) of the 256 distributed artificial nest boxes were installed in green spaces in Suwon City. Among the installed artificial nest boxes, the results of the citizen science project were confirmed for 173 (83.98%), excluding two boxes with position coordinate generation errors. A total of 987 artificial nest box observation records were collected from citizen surveyors, with a minimum of one time, a maximum of 26 times, and an average of 5.71±4.37 times. The number of observations of artificial birdhouses per month was 70 times (7.09%) in February, 444 times (44.98%) in March, 284 times (28.77%) in April, 133 times (13.48%) in May, 46 times (4.66%) in June, 6 times (0.61%) in July, and 4 times (0.41%) in August. Birds using the artificial nest boxes were observed in 57 (32.95%) of the 173 installed artificial nest boxes, and they included Great tit (Parus major) using 12 boxes (21.05%), Varied Tit (Parus varius) using 7 boxes (12.28%), and unidentified birds using 38 boxes (66.67%). This study is the first to consider citizen participation in the monitoring of artificial nest boxes, a survey method for the reproductive ecology of the Paridae family, including Great tits, and it can be utilized as basic data for the design of ecological monitoring combined with citizen science in the future.

The Interpretation of a Korean Folk Tale from the Perspective of Analytical Psychology (민담 <외쪽이>의 분석심리학적 해석)

  • Ji Youn Kim
    • Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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    • v.32 no.2
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    • pp.122-168
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    • 2017
  • I tried to understand a folk tale "The half-boy" in terms of analytical psychology. In the story, a lady without children prayed to the Buddha. The white old man came and gave three fishes, but the cat ate half of it. So, she ate two and a half. She gave birth to two perfect sons. The third son had one arm, one leg, and one eye. They grew well. Brothers went to take the civil service examinations, and the half-boy followed. But two brothers did not like the half-boy coming along. So, brothers tied the half-boy to the rocks and trees, and he picked them up with force and gave them down to the yard of the house. And the half-boy followed his brothers again, and brothers tied him with kudzu and put him in front of the tiger. The half-boy won the tiger by betting with cutting kudzu. The half-boy stripped off the tiger's skin. The host coveted the tiger skin and they played with janggi. The half-boy won the game and was permitted to take host's daughter. The half-boy went with a string, a drum, a flea, and a bedbug. He teased host's people with these. The half-boy brought a virgin and lived well. "The Half-Boy" folktale is an old story spread throughout the country. There are similar stories in India and Africa. Unilateral figures are universally distributed archetypal images. In numerous cultures gods and spirits are being portrayed as unilateral figures. In the creation mythology, half-figure beings have immortality. In Indonesian and African folk tales, the half-born boy goes to heaven and merges with its half and becomes perfect. Some of one-sided spirits are harmful to humans but some of one-sided birds, chickens, and spirits are helpful to people. Sometimes half being is a cultural hero who steals grain from heaven or gets some advice how to use bamboo. There are stories that half body becomes a whole body afterwards. But in this folktale and most of the similar folktales, half-figure does not change and maintains half-figure to the end. And as a half-figure he does various great things and marries a virgin. The half-boy symbolizes a psychic experience born in the unconscious. The unconscious contents may seem strange and weird at first and the collective consciousness does not want to accept them. But the unconscious exerts greater power and brings vitality and creativity to consciousness. This folk tale seems to have compensated for the stubborn collective consciousness of our society, which was a Confucian class society. It also allows people to change their attitude toward disabled people and recognize strengths and creativity of the handicapped.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Location and Construction Characteristics of Imdaejeong Wonlim based on Documentation (기문(記文)을 중심으로 고찰한 임대정원림(臨對亭園林)의 입지 및 조영 특성)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Park, Tae-Hee;Shin, Sang-Sup;Kim, Hyoun-Wuk
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.4
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    • pp.14-26
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    • 2011
  • Imdaejeong Wonlim is located on the verge of Sangsa Village in Sapyeong-ri, Daepyeong-myeon, Hwasun-gun Gyeongsangnam-do toward Northwest. It was planned by Sa-ae, Minjuhyeon in 1862 on the basis of Gobanwon built by Nam Eongi in 16th century against the backdrop of Mt. Bongjeong and facing Sapyeong Stream. As water flows from west to east in the shape of crane, this area is a propitious site standing for prosperity and happiness. This area shows a distinct feature of Wonlim surrounding the Imdaejeong with multi layers as consisting of 5 districts - front yard where landmark stone with engraved letters of 'Janggujiso of Master Sa-ea' and junipers are harmoniously arranged, internal garden of upper pavilion ranging from a pavilion to square pond with a little island in the middle, Sugyeongwon of under pavilionu consisting of 2 ponds with a painting of three taoist hermits, forest of Mt. Bonggeong and external garden including Sapyeong Stream and farmland. According to documentation and the results of on-site investigation, it is certainly proved that Imdaejeong Wonlim was motivated by Byeoseo Wonlim which realized the idea of 'going back to hometown after resignation' following the motives of Janggujiso, a hideout aimed to accomplish the ideology, 'training mind and fostering innate nature,' on the peaceful site surrounded by water and mountain, as well as motives of Sesimcheo(洗心處) to be unified with morality of Mother Nature, etc. In addition, it implies various imaginary landscapes such as Pihangji, Eupcheongdang, square pond with an island and painting of three Taoist hermits based on a notion that 'the further scent flies away, the fresher it becomes,' which is originated from Aelyeonseol(愛蓮說). In terms of technique of natural landscape treatment, divers techniques are found in Imdaejeong Wonlim such as distant view of Mt. Bongjeong, pulling view with an intention of transparent beauty of moonlight, circle view of natural and cultural sceneries on every side, borrowed scenary of pastoral rural life adopted as an opposite view, looked view of Sulyundaero, over looked view of pond, static view in pavilion and paths, close view of water space such as stream and pond, mushroom-and-umbrella like view of Imdaejeong, vista of pond surrounded by willows, imaginary view of engraved letters meaning 'widen knowledge by studying objectives' and selected view to comprise sunrise and sunset at the same time. In the beginning of construction, various plants seemed to be planted, albeit different from now, such as Ginkgo biloba, Phyllostachys spp., Salix spp., Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla, Morus bombycis, Juglans mandschurica, Paulownia coreana, Prunus mume, Nelumbo nucifera, etc. Generally, it reflected dignity of Confucianism or beared aspect of semantic landscape implying Taoist taste and idea of Phoenix wishing a prosperity in the future. Furthermore, a diversity of planting methods were pursued for such as liner planting for the periphery of pond, bosquet planting and circle planting adopted around the pavilion, spot planting using green trees, solitary planting of monumentally planted Paulownia coreana and opposite planting presenting the Abies holophylla into yin and yang.