• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.231-266
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• 2014

The main contents of Baopuzi inner chapters becomes the basis for the claim "to be achieved Xian the way people can be" named and Shenxian theory that is deployed in the center of the universe body theory with a focus on Xuan and YI and Tao and a problem of "demonstration of Shenxian exist", or ancient science that describes the Chinese alchemy and Taoism spell in other words, inner chapters are writing and how to get prescription way of Shenxian, of medicine to become a predecessors, elephant of some of the changes in the ghost apparition, the longevity, how to avoid the epidemic out of the evil. Inner chapters are presented a regimen thought, the rationale for its mystical religion and philosophy of Monasticism ship on the basis of the theory Shenxian so. Baopuzi Inner chapters is presented in detail how to reach a comprehensive and realistic Shenxian long life in prison without the pre-Qin dynasty Taoism and Qinhan dynasty and times across the Weijin dynasty Shenxian ideas. And is presented in a typical Waidan and Neidan Taoism exercise this system and that in Taoism (Regimen) Thought the important position. Thought of Regimen is very important right information Inner chapters which constitutes the establishment of an important theoretical basis Shenxian Taoism of Gehong this research right in that you can see at a glance the thought of Regimen of Inner chapters is the desperate need for this requirement. It aims to illuminate the entire look of Regimen ever appeared immediately in Inner chapters this paper. After the analysis of the body Tao theory, The theory of the body and the spirit, The theory of Xingming, The theory of Shenxian theoretical foundations of thought appeared in Inner chapters Based on this, the first one conducted regulating the qi flowing in the channels method, Daoyin method, Pranayama, Closed breath, I saw one at the specifics of regimen method such, art of controlling and swallowing breath from the mouth, Convinced, Tuna breathing, Sishenshouyi method, Jinehuandan method, Fangzhongshu. And reporting features found Inner chaptersfinally saw the spirit of Regimen weigh its value.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.241-262
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• 2011

In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.279-304
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• 2008

This paper draws out the contents related to "Yuk(易)" Silhak(實學), and discusses the tendency in order to review the ideas shown in Wandang's Seodok(書牘). Also, it studies Taoism expressed in Seodok in terms of figuring out Wandang's Taoism. The features of his thoughts are following. The first one is the use of "Yuk(易)" for Soogichiin(修己治人). What he considered most important was Eumsiknamnyu(飮食男女) linked directly to the people's life. He maintained that a country must be ruled by doing Soogi(修己) with "Yuk(易)" and by making use of "Yuk(易)". The next one is both a view of Gyungsechiyong(經世致用) of Dongseoboolboon(東西不分) and a natural view of Iyonghooseng(利用厚生), standing on Silsagusi(實事求是). He actively accepted new learning and concepts those days, and he asserted that Western techniques should be even imitated for the sake of the nation. Thirdly, his view of Moowi(無爲) and Boolun(不言). He didn't use to do any Jakwi(作爲) of Jeosool(著述). This kind of view seems to save his life and be connected to Yangshin(養身) even though others tried to keep a jealous eye on and entrap him. Last, his concept of Jayeonsooneung(自然順應) and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). It is shown through his wish of farm work and his politics, saying that a king ought not to bind the people with faithfulness and propriety, and that he ought to rule the nation with humanity. In sum, Wandang's ideas shown in Seodok can be divided into two streams. One is Boshin(保身) through Moowijayeon(無爲自然), Boolun(不言), and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). The other is a pursuit of his studies for the purpose of Dukchi(德治) followed by Soogichiin, Kyongsechiyong, Iyonghooseng, and Injung. Here, since Boshin can be said to be advanced Soogi, and Soogichiin and others are connected directly to people's comfortable life, they can be integrated to Soogiianbaeksung(修己以安百姓). In other words, his thoughts were based on the fusion of Confucianism and Taoism, and he aimed at Soogiianbaeksung by accepting and using to take a look at the change of period and learning.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.331-362
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• 2017

The paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals refer to the paintings based on an influential poem called "The Song of the Eight Drunken Immortals" by Du Fu, a Chinese poet from the Tang Dynasty. This poem is about the eccentricity of the Eight Immortals known for their love of drinking. The Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated among East Asian intellectuals, and their stories have also been translated into paintings. Greatly influenced by Li Gonglin's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals, people in China have the tendency to create similar scroll paintings, using contour drawing tools. Meanwhile, in Korea, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals have been widely appreciated both as a type of visual art embodying the Drunken Immortals' taste for the arts and as a meaningful object conveying the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. According to historical records, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals from the Ming Dynasty were drawn on eight-fold folding screens using a sophisticated ink wash painting technique. In the meantime, the Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals appreciated by King Jeongjo from the Joseon Dynasty was a colored landscape painting with small human figures on an eight-fold folding screen. Since the recent discovery of Yi Han-cheol's Painting of the Eight Drunken Immortals on an eight-fold folding screen, it has now become possible to imagine how renowned artists such as Kim Hong-do and Kim Yang-gi would have made the narrative figure paintings. In particular, the story of Li Bai, one of the Eight Immortals, was the most famous one often told in the paintings. After the 19th century, there was even an entire panel of narrative folding screen made about Li Bai. As painting manuals and outline drawings were pervasively used, the narrative paintings on Li Bai were mass-produced among commoners. As you can see from this, the Eight Drunken Immortals have been visually represented as thirsty souls who are not disconnected from the world, as honest men of refined taste for the arts, and as protagonists of an object that conveys the people's wish for longevity and eternal friendship. In other words, the paintings of the Eight Drunken Immortals embody multiple undertones: as paintings based on Du Fu's poems and as narrative paintings on the Eight Immortals.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.253-287
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• 2012

This research aimed to discuss the necessity of education and evil through perspective of Sunja and Hannah Arendt. In case of Sunja, it was reviewed by his opinion about Sunja as the central figure. As for Arendt, it was researched with "Eichmann in Jerusalem" as the central figure which she wrote participating in the trial process of Eichmann who was a war criminal of Nazi. Sunja thought evil as the nature of people and understood that they all are originally selfish, envious, and seeking desire. Therefore, Sunja thought it is important to properly seek human desire. He claimed Haw Seong Gi Wi(化性起僞, changing evil human nature into goodness through manner) which changes human nature from evil to goodness. A teacher who leads evil into goodness is surely needed in the process of Haw Seong Gi Wi. At the same time, in the dimension of educational content it put stress on the role of Ye(禮, manner) which lets them realize discernment so that they properly seek human desire and Ak(樂, harmony) which harmoniously controls human emotion, and key point on education regarding Ye and Ak. As for Arendt, however, she recognized evil as normal one. Even though he thought that conforming the order of superior authority was the best value and then took evil of killing many Jews in thoughtlessness, Eichmann maintained that he did not take evil but only conformed the order. This way, people could take evil in thoughtlessness in totalitarianism, and it makes circumstance that they could not take goodness. Therefore they could take evil in thoughtlessness and experience the radical evil and the banality of evil. Accordingly, political praxis which guarantees people's plurality as the words and praxis is needed. It is named natality because the truth that they are born in this world is a starting point, and makes the essence of education. In this process, teachers have to be a representative of this generation for children as new social members, and be able to keep children's newness. Sunja and Arendt have the same equality and difference in that they referred to the necessity of education to overcome human evil. It is the same quality that goodness could recover the function of community and the practice of education is considered important in the goal of education and the dimension of directivity. It is different in methodical characteristic of education that Arendt, however, suggests praxis as the way that they express themselves in totalitarianism while Sunja thought that continuous practice piling up virtue for goodness is important.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.39-71
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• 2012

This paper examines Jang Hyeongwang's cultural awareness and the way of practice by focusing on his spirit of humanities in relation to the understanding of territory and bibliographic materials. In fact, this starts from conflicting evaluations on Jang Hyeongwang's way of learning in the field of Korean history. Jang Hyeongwang emphasizes realization of humanity, which is considered as basic framework of culture. He claims the indivisibility of Dao(道) and culture(mun文) by arguing that almighty principle of Dao manifests itself through phenomena of culture. In other words, Dao is the root of culture and, at the same time, culture is the necessary element of making Dao valuable. Furthermore, he insists that realization of human culture is the gist of manifesting the pattern of nature. In this vein, the roles of human beings are so important in creating humanistic civilization. He considers all kinds of human affairs as the contents of humanistic culture, which are contained in six classics. Especially, He says that the moral is reality of human culture and that literature is a literal expression of humanistic spirit. Thus, he criticizes that there are literatures without moral practices. He pays a special attention to his indigenous culture. He links the cultural understanding of geography, which is the foundation of realizing humanistic spirit, to awareness of Korean territory and grasps the territory in the light of topography of geographic power. Thus, he defines it as "Central Field" which bears comparison with China (middle kingdom). With the positive understanding of his country, he insisted that Korean indigenous culture and custom are as much advanced as China and was so proud of the moral characters and norms that Korean people had formed so far. Moreover, Jang truly exhibited affection to Korean literature, which had formed through Korean history. Kim Hyu, one of his students, activates Jang's will to preservation of Korean culture. Over twenty years, Kim completed Collected Record of Korean Literatures(haedong munhon ch'ongnok 海東文獻總錄). Actually, he started the preparatory works for compiling them. We should keep in mind that this compilation was completed following Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. It means that he has cultural awareness of preserving Korean literal heritages. Hence, it can be evaluated as the results of the enhancement of national studies. We have seen that He truly highlights realization of humanistic spirit by insisting the practices of moral values. In fact, his mind is linked to genuine affection to Korean territory, culture and literatures. Such affection can be paraphrased as moral awareness of humanity and its practices. In conclusion, his humanistic spirit should be understood as strong belief on universality of human morality. His cultural awareness of homeland and the will to practices should be considered as cultural pride of Korean intellectual traditions rather than following Chinese culture blindly.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.539-570
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• 2017

This article is for considering and looking through the meaning of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) Hiku-ka of Kobayashi Issa before reviewing and adapting Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Issa wrote his works by using Hyanghwa-Gucheop in 1803, and he had adopted it as his creative works of Hikai absorbing Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) for about half a year. There has been no national study about this so far, and this study covered the aspects of Issa's adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Japan and China. There have been several problems that the contents were limited to Guo-feng and there were no agreement of terminology as well among researchers. To overcome these limitations, therefore, this article aimed at all the works, rejected the view point as just a translation, and denominated this study as Haiku-ka. Above all, this study looked though Issa's Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) by splitting the aspects of Haiku-ka into borrowing topics and materials. In borrowing topics, the works with the topics of homesick and nostalgic parents stood out. Furthermore, annotations and understandings of Issa's original works were deeply involved. In borrowing materials, the original meanings in the works were transformed and changed or even reinterpreted by their own way. Eliminating sublime emotions, furious tone, and condemnation was main characteristic of Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). Besides, there were ways of exclusion of reasoning, deviating from the viewpoint of Sigyo(edification by poetry), not including moral senses. In other words, Issa used habits and impressions like the way of Haiku when he was doing Haiku-ka in Classic of Poetry(Shi jing). The meaning that Issa's Hiku-ka of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) stood out compared to adaptation of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Eastern Asia. Although Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in Vietnam was transferred in the form of the poem in Vernacular, the meaning and contents were not changed. Moreover, the original works and characters in Joseon were not destroyed because Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) was not liberally translated but literally. However, Issa transferred the Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) in the form of the poem in Vernacular to reveal the value of popular ballads. This was a different adapting way of Classic of Poetry(Shi jing) from that in Eastern Asia.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.9-33
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• 2018

This paper examines the literary theory of Gollyun(昆侖) Choe, Changdae(崔昌大, 1669-1720). He has authored a variety of works, and his works have been recognized in many literatures. Because of this, studying his literature is a meaningful. The theory of poem creation is as follows. It is the basic poem creationism that expresses the feelings that I experienced and felt as it is. The utility is to multiply and control the artist's feelings through his poem. However, the creative theory of being the best writer is different from this. It must be premised on finding from the heart and studying various books. If these qualities was provided, the words are clear and the meaning is condensed. He distinguished between general works and the best works, and presented their own creative theory and discussed their utility. The theory of prose utility is as follows. He emphasizes the importance of communicating with contemporaries and establishing important things of the day and making them easier to understand, without specifying the morality. This is a thoroughly realistic utility theory. In the classical chinese prose's history, 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' were issues. He transcends the recognition of 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' as zero-sum. In addition, he gives priority to the meaning of the writer and emphasizes self-realization, which is in common with other political soron(少論) writers' theories. When creating prose, simplicity and bizarreness were issues. He emphasizes concise writing. However, it can be realized when a writer with high opinion is aware of the reason and raises the core. Through various sources, he has completely rejected Ming(明) dynasty's former and latter seven master(前後七子). However, he did not exclude their work unilaterally, and recognized the work of Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋). This is the same as his father Choiseokjung(崔錫鼎). He recognized Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋) equally, and sought a simplified and summarized style.