• 제목/요약/키워드: Wedding ritual

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가정생활관에 영향을 미치는 변인에 관한 연구 - 서울.경기 지역을 중심으로 - (Factors Affecting the Family Life's Values in Seoul and Gyeonggi Area)

  • 김양희;김효민
    • 가족자원경영과 정책
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    • 제13권2호
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    • pp.1-21
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this study is to provide further direction to the culture program at the healthy family center by analyzinge its different concepts of family living culture, which is based on changes in the family values of an individual. This research was conducted on residents in the area of Seoul and Kung-gi from March 1, 2007 to March 30, 2007. The survey was distributed to 300 people, and 186 surveys were collected. Among those 186 surveyed, 179 were finally analyzed. Findings from the survey are as follows: First, age, gender, and marital status show differences in familism, consciousness of men's and women's equality, and recognition of family cultural ritual. As to planning the healthy family culture program, the program participants' age, gender, and marital status should be considered to successfully plan and operate the program. Second, regarding the view of family life from three aspects including the degree of recognition of family cultural ritual, familism, and the consciousness of men's and women's equality, all three variables show differences in the view of family life. Therefore, it will be highly effective to organize two separate groups: one presents lower recognition of family cultural ritual and family-based values, and another possesses a higher sense of equality. Third, the result of reviewing relative effectiveness to the proper family life value, wedding, consciousness of parents respect(=filial piety), and sacrificial rituals, funeral rites were founded to highly effective to family living view. Therefore, it will be highly effective to include these topics, when the family cultural living program is planned.

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조선시대(朝鮮時代) 유교사상(儒敎思想)과 의예복연구(儀禮服硏究) - 남자(男子) 포(袍)를 중심(中心)으로 - (A study on ceremonial costume and Confucianism is Chosun Dynasty - Focusing on Men's Po -)

  • 이선재
    • 복식
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    • 제16권
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    • pp.221-229
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    • 1991
  • This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

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가족의례가 가족건강성에 미치는 영향 (The Effects of Family Rituals on Family Strengths)

  • 배재현
    • 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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    • 제16권12호
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    • pp.622-635
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    • 2016
  • 본 연구는 가족의례의 종류에 따른 주요활동과 갈등요인들을 확인하고, 가족의례가 가족건강성에 미치는 영향을 살펴봄으로써 가족건강성을 높일 수 있는 실천적 함의를 제공하는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 성인남녀 216명에게 설문조사하였고, 결과를 확인하기 위해 빈도분석, MANOVA, 중다회귀분석을 실시하였다. 주요 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 가족식사의례의 주요활동은 '집에서 직접요리'가 가장 많았고, 갈등요인은 '일이 너무 바빠서'가 가장 많았다. 가족주말여가의례의 주요활동은 '근교나들이', 갈등요인은 '가족공동의 시간을 갖기 어려워서'가 제일 많았다. 가족생일의례의 주요활동은 '케익 준비하기', 갈등요인은 '내 생일을 가족이 잊어버려서'가 제일 많았다. 결혼기념일의례의 주요활동은 여성의 경우 '외식하기', 남성의 경우 '꽃이나 선물주기', 갈등요인은 여성의 경우 '배우자가 결혼기념일을 잊어버려서', 남성의 경우 '내가 원하는 축하방식이 아니어서'가 제일 많았다. 명절의례의 갈등요인은 여성의 경우 '배우자가 나의 어려움을 이해해주지 못하는 것 같아서', 남성의 경우 '친척들과의 인간관계 문제'가 제일 많았다. 둘째, 연령에 따라 가족의례에 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 가족의례는 가족건강성에 통계적으로 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다.

고려 문종대 왕태자(王太子) 책봉(冊封)과 태자(太子) 관련 제도(制度) 정비의 의미 (The Political Background of the Installation of the Crown Prince During the Period of King Munjong in the Goryeo Dynasty)

  • 김선미
    • 역사민속학
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    • 제45호
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    • pp.263-289
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    • 2014
  • 고려의 제11대 왕인 문종은 제8대 왕인 현종의 아들이자, 제10대 왕인 정종의 이모제(異母弟)이다. 정종은 자신의 아들 4명이 있었지만 아우인 문종에게 선위하였다. 문종이 즉위한 배경은 먼저 훈요십조(訓要十條)에서 엿볼 수 있다. 태조는 훈요십조(訓要十條)에서 장자 이외의 아들이 왕위를 계승할 가능성을 열어놓았다. 그리고 고려 초기에 어린 아들이 있을 경우 장성한 아우에게 선위하는 전례가 있었으며, 정종과 문종의 혈연적 배경이 동일하였다. 또한 당시 고려인들도 전왕(前王)의 아우가 왕위에 오르는 것을 자연스럽게 받아들였다. 이런 배경 하에서 문종이 즉위하였다. 그러나 문종은 정치적인 세력을 가지고 국정을 파악한 상태에서 왕위에 오른 것이 아니었다. 그렇기 때문에 그는 국왕으로서의 권위를 높일 필요가 있었다. 그리고 정종의 아들이 장성함에 따라 왕권의 불안 요소가 되거나 향후 왕위계승에서 분란을 일으킬 수 있었다. 그래서 문종은 자신의 아들을 왕위계승자로 선정하여 권력을 자신에게 집중시키고 왕위계승상의 분란을 없애고자 하였다. 왕태자 책봉 이후 문종은 동궁관을 확대 정비하고 여러 태자 관련 의례를 시행하였다. 동궁관제는 1068년에 제도적인 완비를 보았다. 이때 정비된 동궁관은 중앙 관부의 축소판으로 운영되었다. 또한 1054년의 거행된 태자 책봉 의례는 규정된 절차를 준수하며 시행되었으며, 책봉례 이후에 1056년에 왕태자의 장흥절(長興節)을 축하하는 의례가 시행되었고, 1064년에는 태자 혼인 의례가 거행되어 "고려사" 예지에 규정된 태자 의례가 실시되었다. 또한 문종은 왕태자 책봉을 국외에 알렸으며, 고려의 태자는 거란으로부터 3번 책봉을 받아 권위를 높였다. 이러한 여러 조치들은 국왕 다음가는 권위자로서의 태자의 위상을 강화시키는데 중요한 역할을 하였다. 이후 태자는 문종 말년에 거동이 불편한 문종을 대신하여 國事에 참여하여 국왕 다음의 권력자로서의 면모를 드러내었다.

서민복식문화에 관한 연구(II) -경북 금오산 주변지역의 민속조사 결과를 중심으로- (A Study of Folk Costume Culture (II) -Field Research Around the Mt. Kumo Area-)

  • 홍나영;이은주;임재영
    • 한국의류학회지
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    • 제19권1호
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    • pp.71-79
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    • 1995
  • Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles Vol. 19, No. 1 (199i) p. 71~79 The authors study on the traditional textile production and the formal dress through the field research concerning the folk attitude toward dress style around the Mt. Kumo area. In this area, people produced and wove hemp, cotton, and silk except ramie. Because of poor production of raw materials, they produced textiles only for self-sufficiency. Every household dealt with dyeing on a small scale. In the past, people dyed cloth natually using plants as material. Natural dyeing, however, gradually changed into chemical one since the Japanese rule. The formal dresses, which people wore on particular occasions such as the hundredth day after child's brith, the first birthday, and traditional holidays, were very meager due to poor living standards. People could not see the formal dresses with full decoration. Bride and bridegroom were the village.owned wedding dresses, and if they could not afford to, they simply put cloth on to remember the occasion. People around the Mt. Kumo area, however, provided fully-decorated shroud and ritual robes to the level of other better-off areas. It seemed to be the result of influence of deep-rooted Confucianism in Gyungbuk province. This Phenomenon could be found in the folk dress style in other regions as well as the Mt. Kumo area in Gyungbuk province.

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Construction of Cham Identity in Cambodia

  • Maunati, Yekti;Sari, Betti Rosita
    • 수완나부미
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    • 제6권1호
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    • pp.107-135
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    • 2014
  • Cham identities which are socially constructed and multilayered, display their markers in a variety of elements, including homeland attachment to the former Kingdom of Champa, religion, language and cultural traditions, to mention a few. However, unlike other contemporary diasporic experience which binds the homeland and the host country, the Cham diaspora in Cambodia has a unique pattern as it seems to have no voice in the political and economic spheres in Vietnam, its homeland. The relations between the Cham in Cambodia and Vietnam seem to be limited to cultural heritages such as Cham musical traditions, traditional clothing, and the architectural heritage. Many Cham people have established networks outside Cambodia with areas of the Muslim world, like Malaysia, Indonesia, southern Thailand and the Middle Eastern countries. Pursuing education or training in Islam as well as working in those countries, especially Malaysia has become a way for the Cham to widen their networks and increase their knowledge of particularly, Islam. Returning to Cambodia, these people become religious teachers or ustadz (Islamic teachers in the pondok [Islamic boarding school]). This has developed slowly, side by side with the formation of their identity as Cham Muslims. Among certain Cham, the absence of an ancient cultural heritage as an identity marker has been replaced by the Islamic culture as the important element of identity. However, being Cham is not a single identity, it is fluid and contested. Many scholars argue that the Cham in Cambodia constitute three groups: the Cham Chvea, Cham, and Cham Bani (Cham Jahed). The so-called Cham Jahed has a unique practice of Islam. Unlike other Cham who pray five times a day, Cham Jahed people pray, once a week, on Fridays. They also have a different ritual for the wedding ceremony which they regard as the authentic tradition of the Cham. Indeed, they consider themselves pure descendants of the Cham in Vietnam; retaining Cham traditions and tending to maintain their relationship with their fellow Cham in Central Vietnam. In terms of language, another marker of identity, the Cham and the Cham Jahed share the same language, but Cham Jahed preserve the written Cham script more often than the Cham. Besides, the Cham Jahed teaches the language to the young generation intensively. This paper, based on fieldwork in Cambodia in 2010 and 2011 will focus on the process of the formation of the Cham identity, especially of those called Cham and Cham Jahed.

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