This study tested a path model of agenda building examining the relationship among the media, the public and the presidential statements on the issue of drug abuse during the Bush administration's War on Drugs. The results showed that a dynamic and interactive relationship among aforementioned actors. First, the real-world conditions strongly increased both media coverage and presidential statements. Second, the news media and president influenced each other. Third, public concern, however, did not function as a significant factor in agenda-building process in this study. The result of this study indicates that Bush was not utterly a reactive or proactive president in terms of his relationship with the media. That is, news media and the president interacted regarding the drug issues; the relationship between President Bush and the media for drug issues was reciprocal.
Referred to as a 'media war,' there is a fierce competition for media discourse between different countries. Twenty four hour global news channels like Al Jazeera, France 24, RT, NHK World, China's CCTV and teleSUR emerged to offer their own perspectives and stance in the global society, and to face the monopolization and distorted information created by the hegemony of English news channels which have swayed international public opinions for a long time. As a tool of public diplomacy, the media's role in determining the image of the nation and winning the 'Hearts and Minds' of the international community is decisive, but it cannot be said that they all have a similar influence or play a positive role in media diplomacy. A global news channel, which is both a media diplomatic subject and a journalism organization, can be in the position of acting as a public relations organization or a propaganda agency for the government depending on the regime's attitude because most of global news channels receive support from the government. Sometimes it is difficult for these media to implement quality journalism because of financial difficulties. Media discourse also has limitations in that it is dependent upon changes in foreign policy of its own government. This study examines the current status of global news channels, the dilemma these channels are facing, and suggests some potential directions that can be taken by global news channels in order to become more effective. It is becoming increasingly important for all nations to respond to distorted information about their own countries, to appropriately identify various issues and changes in the international community and to convey their views and positions to the international community. For now, there is a lack of awareness about the importance of media diplomacy in Korea: There are many English-language media, but as yet no global news channel which could have an influence on the international stage. However, there seems to be some understanding about the need for the media to present the Korean alternative discourse to the senseless dependency on Western media. We hope that this study will be an opportunity to think in depth about the attitude of the Korean global media, whether existing global media or new global news channels, in order to help them become more effective in media diplomacy.
This study aims to describe the brief history of war reporting by Korea press and investigate the problems and reform measures of war coverage suggested by journalists who have experienced and covered the war. Although Korea press had 50 year war reporting history, it lacks knowhow about war reporting and systematic support for war coverage. Its main reason is that Korea press tend to dispatch war correspondents habitually without training them sufficiently. In addition, war journalists cover the war based on their environment and personal experiences. Dispatching journalists who have few experiences in war reporting to conflict region is another problem of war reporting by Korean press. To overcome these problems, Korea press need to manage journalists' pool who are well informed of or accustomed to Islam culture and region. Cultivating experts who are familiar with international issues or troubles are also necessary for vivid war reporting.
Norman Mailer is one of the American writers who dramatize sensual pleasure in order to show how American idealism ends up being trapped and corrupted. The most remarkable cases are the tragic heroes of Scott Fitzgerald and the tough characters of Ernest Hemingway; while the former describes the victim of sensual pleasure, the latter brings the sensuality out from the darkness into 'the clean and well-lighted place.' In one of his most successful experimental fiction writings called 'New Journalism,' Mailer portrays the battle between the liberal left and the conservative right in the demonstration of 1967. Mailer achieves two things in this new technique. First, he demystifies the traditional epistemology grounded in the neutral and transparent narration and suggests that every narration can not escape mediation by a narrator. Secondly, he demonstrates that there is no clear distinction between good and bad. Rather, Good is nothing but a disguised form of Evil, and God is feasible only through the courageous action borrowed from Evil. In this technological world, devil is more powerful and attractive than God. This paper assumes the materiality of courage and focuses on the phenomenology of war carried out not from soul but from body, not from the consciousness but from the materiality.
The purpose of this study is to discover the present situation of fashion journalism, which is a collaborator and watchdog of the fast-growing fashion business industry, then to proffer fundamental data for the setting of desirable fashion journalism in the field of newspaper. Unlike magazine and internet news service which are focused on a specific group, daily newspaper has a far-reaching influence without regarding the age, gender and social status of the readers. Therefore, how newspaper deals with fashion and fashion phenomena has immense influence on the attitude and understanding of common people on fashion. Defining fashion journalism is an activity of gathering and mediating of various ideas and opinions on fashion, the beginning of fashion journalism of newspaper traces back to the late of 19th century. From then to the period of Japan's occupancy by force, newspaper used fashion articles to lead enlightenment of lifestyle. After Korean War, newspaper was one of the main path of in-flowing western culture and fashion trend till 1970s. During $1980s{\sim}1990s$, fashion articles in newspaper were separated from woman and family section and fashion journalism made their own way to a specialized field. In the beginning of 21st century, fashion journalism in the field of newspaper is armed with more various and profound contents then ever, but it is also true fashion journalism is not free from accusation of commercialization and agitation of preference on imported luxury goods. Today fashion articles of daily newspapers are not subordinated to the common idea, 'fashion is only for women'. Fashion articles deals with men as well as women. Information on new products is regarded more important than fashion trend. Articles are not restricted in the fashion section. It means fashion journalism is expanding its territory to business section, opinion section and so on. However, fashion news dealing with aged people or young children are very rare. It suggests target readers of fashion news are concentrated on the people who have a considerable buying power. An main article usually has more than 3 photos. That means not only photos in fashion news are established as essential visual information today but also commercialization of fashion news makes rapid progress in this field. Also the considerable dependancy on the information sources from manufacturing side can be a problem of sustaining accuracy and impartiality of news.
This study examined the primary tones of news stories and the overall frames which are structuralized by the primary tones in the news reporting of the Private School Law and social conflicts occurring around the law. For this purpose, the study applied Lakoff and Johnson's metaphoric conceptualization to the analysis of the news stories reported in the Chosun Ilbo, the Hankyoreh, and the Kookmin Ilbo, which are considered to represent the audience of the conservative, progressive, and religious forces, respectively. The main goal of this study includes to describe in which manner the newspapers attempt to depict the frames of major social conflicts regarding the Private School Law. The results show that (1) the Chosun Ilbo and the Kookmin Ilbo attempt to structuralize the social conflicts by providing frames of 'freedom is an asset' and a 'war' metaphors; (2) the Kookmin Ilbo applied more frames of a religious metaphor among others; and (3) the Hankyoreh attempts to structuralize the social conflicts by offering frames of 'the front is good, but the rear is bad' and 'war' metaphors, which proves to be the opposite in presenting the overall framing.
Ie is popular belief among the authorities concerned and their apologists that media coverage of terrorism promotes terrorism and is used as publicity by terrorists. Generally speaking, however, in reporting terrorism, the media become not terrorists' but state's means of publicity, and condemn terrorism, while rationalizing state's violence against terrorism. Terrorists may be successful in attracting public attention at the initial stage of terrorism, but usually fail in publicizing their cause. This fact notwithstanding, the authorities concerned and their apologists maintain thar media coverage of terrorism should be controlled, because it works as publicity for terrorists. Now it can be said that there is an intention to control the media when it is asserted that media coverage of terrorism works as publicity for terrorists. To present these arguments, this article discusses the news values and publicity aspect of terrorism, reviews some problems of and misunderstanding about media coverage of terrorism, and for illustrations, look into the American media's coverage of the 9-11 terrorism against the U. S. and "war on terror". that is, state terrorism taken as a countermeasure to it by the U. S.
Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
/
v.9
no.4
/
pp.50-62
/
2021
This study aims to unravel the shift in the customary method of disseminating information about the ritual of Perang Topat (literally translated as "rice-cake war") as carried out by the custom community of Kemaliq Lingsar in the West Lombok Regency of Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic. Grounded in the ethnography of communication research methodology, this study examines the process of the cultural ritual during the 2020 period of the pandemic and compares it to the ones held in 2018 and 2019 (before the current pandemic). Drawing on findings from observations, in-depth interviews, and documentation, it was revealed that the traditional or custom-oriented community of Kemaliq Lingsar abandoned all three prominently used methods of disseminating the information of the Perang Topat ritual that had been used prior to the pandemic, and that they were replaced by a strategy with solely face-to-face (FTF) interpersonal communication carried out by visiting the homes of the target participants of the cultural event. This method was relevant to the current viral crisis because it enabled the committee to minimize the number of spectators which might potentially violate COVID-19 health protocols. This finding also reinforces the hypothetical statement that interpersonal communication via FTF is effective in disseminating information in a limited manner and empowering the emotional bond between the individuals who share relationships and similar interests. The findings of the present study can be a reference for any events where physical distancing must be strictly imposed and require a limit to the number of participants during the pandemic.
The purpose of this study was to investigate coverage patterns of the Korean internet news media on 'US-Iraq War' and its meaning and discourse structure. The internet news media was recently established and become a popular news media to compete with old news media in Korea. The author selected the 'Oh My News' as a representative internet news media for his analysis, and collected its news items from Mar. 20, 2003 to Dec. 17, 2003. on the basis of 4 different phases of the war. He analysed the whole of news items with various semiotic and discourse analytic methods, especially applying for Bell's concepts of time and discourse structure. As a result of this study, first of all, it was found that the 'Oh My News' tended to cover this war so different ways as the old news media did. It did not pay attention to the procedure of war, especially, battlefields, fighting between US and Iraq, damages and casualties. But, instead, it paid attention to many doubts about intention of US government and the President, Bush, dichotomous shift between pro-America and anti-America, rightness of dispatching Korean army into Iraq, etc. Secondly, it functioned as a kind of alternative media to speak up different voices comparing with those of old media. It tended to suggest different perspectives and opinions, while the old media tended to follow American perspectives and opinions. Thirdly, it became as a kind of new media setting agendas for this war in Korean society. It played a very important role for setting agendas for various issues related with this war. In conclusion, the internet news media has recently become a kind of new news media for suggesting alternative or different opinions, setting agendas, initiating discourses, etc., even though it still has may problems of becoming so called orthodox news media.
Since returning to power in 2012, the second Abe administration has pressured Japanese mainstream media in various ways, from creating the Secrecy Act to forming close relationships with media executives and promoting anti-journalism voices on social media. This article focuses on the growth of a jingoist group called the 'Net-rightists' ('Neto-uyo' in the Japanese abbreviation) on the Internet, which has been supporting the right-wing government and amplifying its historical revisionist views of Japanese colonialism. These heavy Internet users deny Japan's war crimes against neighboring Asian countries and disseminate fake news about the past, which justifies Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's hostile diplomatic policies against South Korea and China. Over the past years, the rightist online discourses have become powerful to such an extent that the editorials of major newspapers and TV reports shifted to more nationalist tones. Who are the Neto-uyo? Why have they emerged from the online world and proliferated to the offline world? Two significant characteristics of new media are discussed to analyze their successful media manipulation: cultural transcoding and perpetual rewriting of collective memories. These characteristics have resulted in constructing and reinforcing the data loops of the 'Daily Us' versus Them, technologically raising current diplomatic tensions in East Asia.
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