• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.243-273
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• 2015

The purpose of this paper is to identify learning in games in experimental economic settings, and apply their results to real multilateral trade negotiations, such as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) in the World Trade Organizations (WTO). This paper argues that the structure of games including a veto player (Veto games) is similar to the WTO/DDA negotiations in that the players do not possess identical power. This paper's main contribution to the literature involves showing that learning about power is dominant over learning from simple repetition in Veto games. Additionally, this paper shows that players are concerned about how much they have gained in previous games in Veto games, although their memories generally do not last beyond the next game, and thus they tend to be selfish as they have less shares. Based on these results, there is a possibility to be more generous in the distribution of benefits by allowing players without veto power to retain special rights so that they would not be totally powerless. It also shows the necessity of having "respite" in the process of negotiations and policy options for choosing partners for winning coalitions.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.4
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• pp.5-33
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• 2005

In order to examine the causes of the social policy changes in Korea during the late of 1990s, this study tries to compare the social policy decision-making structure between Kim Yong-Sam Government and Kim Dae-Jung Government. This study applies policy network analysis method which measures the relation and power structures of policy actors and as a result shows the characteristics of the policy making structure. Analysing the 6 policy domains and 52 policy events, this study finds that the importance and location of veto points which were created by the social policy decision processes have changed. In Korea, social policy decision processes have been produced power structures in which Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning Board have played a decisive role. In result, these executives can have controlled policy making processes and had veto power, i. e. veto points in policy decision-making structure. But, during Kim Dae-Jung government, accountability issues of financial crisis and reorganization of ministries have changed the importance and location of veto points. Pro-welfare groups of civil society got a chance to penetrate policy decision-making structure during that time. This study argues that these changes of policy decision-making structure may be associated with the social policy changes in Korea during the late of 1990s.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.85-111
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• 2018

This study examines the puzzle of institutional change of irregular worker protection system in Korea through a theory of incremental institutional change. It is the case of "conversion" mode of institutional change that occurs when ambiguous rules permit reinterpretations of rules and regulations for converting functions of institutions into new ones without formal revision. Management sectors with enforcement power have circumvented main rules of high discretion since 2007. In institutional dimension, the extent of irregular workers and the provisions of limit on employment-period and prohibition-correction on discrimination lack sufficient details. In political context, veto possibilities have been downward. Irregular workers were hardly organized independently and two labor union federations mainly composed of regular workers were less receptive to them. Veto possibilities in legislation were also low: the Economic and Social Development Commission ended up in weak labor representation and labor parties in the National Assembly have undergone dissolution.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.12
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• pp.253-260
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• 2009

Gold stock could include the U.K. in the European economy by the alternative plan of the problems that it was occurred while nationalizing industry and a company for economic recovery and national profit after the World War Ⅱ and it was wide and came to open in the country of European most. However, the negation was sentenced to it for the reason of the gold stock which the U.K. adopted in European many countries infringing "freedom of the capital movement" at a European court of law. However, I consider gold stock positively to protect it from hostile M&A of the company of the national strategy from the Middle East and an Asian national rich fund recently in France and Germany. If our country looks straight at reality, Urstatut or the agreement of the majority stockholder have a very strict matter assuming the protection of the existing shareholder and must be able to gain the favor if you look by the flow of such world economy.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.314-325
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• 2013

Background: Stem cell research competition is accelerating globally since President Obama signed an executive order, repealing Bush-era policy that limited use of federal tax dollars for embryonic stem cell research. Methods: In this paper, we conducted a comparative analysis of stem cell research policy changes in three countries, including the Human Fertilisation Embryology Act (HFEA) of UK, executive order 13,505 (removing barriers to responsible scientific research involving human stem cells) of USA, and Bioethics and Safety Act of South Korea. Debates on stem cell research are based on conflicts of fundamental beliefs that exist in the supporting and opposing coalitions. We compared regional characteristics of the advocacy coalitions in three countries and presented various factors that might be related to the policy changes. Results: The UK government, parliament, and the HFEA have sought expert consultations and public opinions to establish guidelines. UK has made social consensus through continued discussion for a long time. US President's veto power was one strongest factors influencing policy. South Korean policy was influenced by public opinion and policy brokers. Also, South Korea has not made social consensus. UK had a strong leadership and strong adjustment of coalitions but US and South Korea had not. Dr. Hwang's scandal has had one of the greatest impacts on policy decision in South Korea. Conclusion: The power of public opinion was critical in all three countries. In particular, the influence of public opinion was noticeable in South Korea. Also it turned out that in US and South Korea, the presence of a policy broker who could pursue his or her goals was the most powerful factor among the advocacy coalition factors.