• Title/Summary/Keyword: U.S.-China competition

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An Inquiry into Dynamics of Global Power Politics in the changing world order after the war in Ukraine

  • Jae-kwan Kim
    • Anayses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.3
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    • pp.1-26
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    • 2023
  • This article will analyze and forecast important variables and dynamics in global power politics after the war in Ukraine. It tries to use several perspectives to analyze international relations, particularly liberal internationalism and structural realism. In short, core variables are as follows; First, how is the US-led liberal international order and globalization being adjusted? Second, how will the U.S.-China strategic competition, which is the biggest and structural variable, cause changes in the international order in the future? The third variable, how stable are Sino-Russia relations in the context of a structuring U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle? Fourth, to what extent will third middle hedging states outside the U.S. and China be able to exercise strategic autonomy in the face of multipolarization? To summarize, the first of these four variables is the largest basic variable at the global political and economic level in terms of its impact on the international community, and it has been led by the United States. The second variable, in terms of actors, seems to be the most influential structural variable in global competition, and the US-China strategic competition is likely to be a long game. Thus the world will not be able to escape the influence of the competition between the two global powers. For South Korea, this second variable is probably the biggest external variable and dilemma. The third variable, the stability of Sino-Russia relations, determines balance of global power in the 21st century. The U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle, as seen in the current war in Ukraine, will operate as the greatest power variable in not only global power competition but also changes in the international order. Just as the U.S. is eager for a Sino-Russia fragmentation strategy, such as a Tito-style wedge policy to manage balance of power in the early years of the Cold War, it needs a reverse Kissinger strategy to reset the U.S.-Russia relationship, in order to push for a Sino-Russia splitting in the 21st century. But with the war in Ukraine, it seems that this fragmentation strategy has already been broken. In the context of Northeast Asia, whether or not the stability of Sino-Russia relations depends not only on the United States, but also on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, the fourth variable is a dependent variable that emerged as a result of the interaction of the above three variables, but simultaneously it remains to be seen that this variable is likely to act as the most dynamic and independent variable that can promote multilateralism, multipolarization, and pan-regionalism of the global international community in the future. Taking into account these four variables together, we can make an outlook on the change in the international order.

U.S. and China's Military Competition in east-Asia and Korea's Security (동아시아에서의 미국과 중국의 군사경쟁과 한국안보)

  • Park, Eung-soo;Ko, Kwang-soop
    • Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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    • 2012.10a
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    • pp.214-218
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    • 2012
  • China has definitely been arising as the world's most powerful nation. By looking at general national power it seems that China's national prestige in 2011 is already way beyond Asia and even it closely catches up with the United States which is the most powerful nation over the world. The United states-centered world political order has begun to struggle by China's growth. Moreover, there has been an earnest competition arisen for the east-Asia sea supremacy between previous U.S. hegemony and arising China's power. East-Asia's ocean is the stage for this strife and it grows more serious. At this point, South Korea, one of the east-Asia country seeking the nation's stability and prosperity through its ocean, has come under the influence of this strife among the super powers of the world. The Author will closely examine the backgrounds and future opportunities of military competition between U.S. and China to analyze the influence of the power competition towards the security status of east-Asia especially South Korea.

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Analysis of the Reason for ROK's Foreign Strategy Adjustment: The growing threat from DPRK under the U.S.-China strategic competition and its profound influences on the security situation in Northeast Asia (韩国对外战略调整的原因分析-美中战略竞争下不断增加的北韩威胁对东北亚安全局势带来的深远影响)

  • Dongchan Kim;Jangwon Lee
    • Anayses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.3
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    • pp.115-144
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    • 2023
  • Under the Trump administration, the U.S. has made clear that "China is America's strategic competitor, revisionist power and a major challenge to America's prosperity and security." The Biden administration has largely inherited this perception of China. China has also responded without backing down. Therefore, the U.S.-China strategic competition has become the most important background factor in the international system and has a great impact on the security situation in Northeast Asia. Nevertheless, if you look at the recent process of establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, we can find that ROK's foreign strategy adjustment has played a key role. This is because establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan depends on improving ROK-Japan relations. And the Yoon Suk Yeol government is pushing for rapid improvement in ROK-Japan relations regardless of domestic political constraints. The trilateral summit at Camp David laid the groundwork for future cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan in security and other broader areas. China is strongly dissatisfied with the formation of trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan. However, this paper argues that although ROK agrees to form trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan, ROK's strategic objectives are not exactly the same as those of the U.S. and Japan. For example, looking back at the development of the U.S.-Japan alliance after the end of the Cold War, both the U.S. and Japan share similar views and perceptions of China's rise. The real goal of the strengthening of the U.S.-Japan alliance in recent years is also how to cope with China's rise. On the other hand, ROK's previous administrations have been negative about trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan. This is because ROK's main strategic goal is to reduce or eliminate threats from DPRK rather than respond to China. Faced with increasing DPRK's provocations and threats, more than half of South Koreans are in favor of reinforcing trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan to contain or mitigate threats from DPRK. As a result, if North Korea's nuclear and missile threats to ROK continue, then ROK's foreign strategy is likely to be to strengthen trilateral security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan to ensure its own safety and survival. If China wants to reduce the strategic pressure from the trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, the best way is to reduce DPRK's provocations and threats to ROK and play a more substantive role in getting DPRK to give up its nuclear program.

A Study on the Medical Devices in Korea, U.S., and China (한.미.중 의료기기에 관한연구)

  • Bae, Hong Kyun
    • THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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    • v.59
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    • pp.181-205
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    • 2013
  • This study has analyzed the international trade flow of medical devices in Korea, China, and U.S. more theoretically and systematically through a mutual connection of the medical device export structure of Korea and the import structure of China and U.S. organically, with an intensity approach on the bilateral international trade flow. Also, it is meaningful to find a solution to boost exports of Korea to China and U.S.. Therefore in this study, we recognize the importance of the medical device market in China and U.S., which is the main competition for Korea and its market, and look into the trade situation of these three countries. We also look into the relative market stream and the trade intensity of the main medical devices in Korea, China and U.S., and seek measures for the steady growth of the medical device market in these three countries.

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Emerging Geopolitical Landscape in the Asia-Pacific Region and the Necessity of ROK-Japan-US Maritime Cooperation (새로운 아태지역 지정학 구도와 한미일 해양협력 과제)

  • Park, Young-June
    • Strategy21
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    • s.36
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    • pp.94-120
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    • 2015
  • The Asia-Pacific Region has emerged as a arena of geopolitical competition between the U.S. and China. The Obama administration of the U.S. had laid out the concept of rebalancing strategy toward the region, concentrating its 60 percent of Naval Forces to the region till 2020 and consolidating its network of allies and partners. Whereas Chinese leader Xi Jinping also put forward the concept of new type of major power relations concerning its relations with the U.S. and a concept of 'the Asian Community of Common Destiny' aiming at a more intensified mutual relation among countries in the region. In doing so, Asia-Pacific region gradually became the arena where mutual competition and cooperation between the U.S. and China has crossfired. As a close ally to the U.S. and a partner to Japan, South Korea should develop trilateral naval cooperation by holding joint naval drill with the aim of humanitarian support and disaster relief. At the same time, Seoul also should make efforts to proceed mutual confidence building with Beijing by deepening military-to-military cooperation. These policy options will be helpful to enhance Seoul's security posture in the region.

Asymmetric Interdependence and the Selective Diversification of Supply Chains

  • Nagy, Stephen R.;Nguyen, Hanh
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.20 no.2
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    • pp.237-258
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    • 2021
  • The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the risks of an over-concentration of supply chains in one country. It has motivated stakeholders to pursue diversification strategies. However, a paradox exists. Stakeholders have shied away from a complete decoupling and preferring to selectively enhance economic ties with China. This article explores this paradox by examining supply chain concentration in China as a form of asymmetric interdependence and the countermeasures from the U.S., Japan, Australia, and India to minimize vulnerabilities. It argues that while the COVID-19 disruptions have brought to light the risk of supply chain overconcentration in China, countermeasures are also driven by coercive diplomacy and the deepening U.S.-China rivalry. The paper also examines the feasibility of diversification efforts by focusing on the capacity and capabilities of alternative supply chain hubs. It finds that while states are actively seeking ways to prevent China from using asymmetric interdependence of supply chains and trade to gain political leverage, there are structural limits to the degree of diversification in the short to mid-term.

The Impact of the US-China disputes on China's 5G Industry focus on Huawei case (미·중 무역분쟁이 중국의 5G 산업에 미치는 영향 화웨이 사례 중심으로)

  • Hwang, Ki-Sik;Zhang, Sai
    • Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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    • v.24 no.3
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    • pp.420-427
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    • 2020
  • The U.S-China disputes have attracted worldwide attention since it took place. However, the disputes between China and the US are no longer limited to the competition in traditional industries, and the competition in 5G industries is becoming more intense. This paper analyzes the reasons for US sanctions on Huawei and puts forward some Suggestions for its countermeasures. With the continuous trade exchanges between China and the United States and the acceleration of China's rise, the related industries in the United States will inevitably be impacted by the related industries in China. Despite U.S. sanctions, the fast speed and effective cost of 5G in China is further improving China's competitiveness. However, under the economic sanctions of the United States, how to survive and further develop China's 5G industry needs in-depth research.

China and U.S. in Africa: A Case of Exaggerated Rivalry

  • Waweru, Sammy Mwangi
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.151-182
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    • 2019
  • Rise of China has correspondingly seen increased Chinese involvement at global stage and regional levels in different parts of the world. This has attracted claims of strategic competition and rivalry between China and U.S., as China is said to be working towards replacing hitherto U.S. influence. Consequently there have been calls for U.S. to counter increased Chinese involvement to safeguard U.S. influences and interests. This study aims to contribute to this debate by examining the extent to which increased Chinese involvement in Africa has, if any, supplanted U.S. strategic interests in the continent. The study contends that, Chinese involvement in Africa has entailed China creating own niche that does not necessary threaten U.S. interests in the continent as widely portrayed and imagined. This is premised on the fact that, U.S. has historically had relatively minimal strategic interests in Africa as compared to other more strategic parts of the world that China could significantly threaten. Seen in this way, increased Chinese penetration in Africa has not had immediate threats to U.S. core strategic interests, thus explaining U.S. measured response to counter Chinese presence in Africa.

Analysis of U.S.-China Relations on The Korean Peninsula Military Puzzle : Under Circumstance of NK's Nuclear, THAAD, US-ROK Alliance (한반도 군사적 현안에 관한 미중관계 고찰 : 북핵, 사드, 한미동맹의 환경 하에서)

  • Woo, Jeongmin
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.17 no.3
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    • pp.83-93
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    • 2017
  • The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.

The 21st Century Maritime Strategies in the Northeast Asia - US, China, Japan and Russia - (21세기 동북아 해양전략 - 미·중·일·러를 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Nam-Tae;Jung, Jae-Ho;Oh, Soon-Kun;Lim, Kyung-Han
    • Strategy21
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    • s.38
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    • pp.250-286
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    • 2015
  • The main purpose of this article is to provide an understanding on current maritime issues in the Northeast Asia, and thereby help formulating the right strategy for our national security. The article summarizes core arguments in the recently published 『The 21st Century Maritime Strategies in the Northeast Asia: Dilemma between Competition and Cooperation』. It will help readers to comprehend historical backgrounds as well as recent updates related to maritime issues and strategies in the region. Also, readers may find guidance to conceive their own maritime strategies for the Republic of Korea. Currently, the U.S. is shifting its focus from Atlantic to Pacific, and increasing its naval presence in Asia-Pacific region. Meanwhile, the 21st century China views the maritime interests as the top priority in its national security and prosperity. PLA Navy's offensive maritime strategies and naval building such as aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines are unprecedented. Japan is another naval power in the region. During the Cold War JMSDF faithfully fulfilled the mission of deterring Soviet navy, and now it is doing its job against China. Lastly, Putin has been emphasizing to build the strong Russia since 2000, and putting further efforts to reinforce current naval capabilities of Pacific Fleet. The keyword in the naval and maritime relations among these powers can be summarized with "competition and cooperation." The recent security developments in the South China Sea(SCS) clearly represent each state's strategic motivations and movements. China shows clear and strong intention to nationalize the islands in SCS by building artificial facilities - possibly military purpose. Obviously, the U.S. strongly opposes China by insisting the freedom of navigation(FON) in international waters as recent USS-Lassen's FON operation indicate. The conflict between China and the U.S. surrounding the SCS seems to be heading towards climax as Russia and Japan are searching for their own national interests within the conflict. Also, the neighboring small and middle powers are calculating their own economic and security interests. This is no exception for us in establishing timely strategies to maximize our own national security. Hopefully, this article leads the readers to the right direction.