• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.21-29
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• 2012

The popularity of the Internet has affected international politics in many ways; however, it is seemingly overlooked by most scholars, and in particular, realists who view the Internet as low-politics. This article argues that the impact of the Internet on international politics should not be underestimated. By focusing on the capabilities of the Internet in general and P2P networks in particular, this paper shows how the Internet is able to disseminate soft power resources. This is demonstrated by an examination of the dissemination of Japanese soft power resources through BitTorrent. Finally, it is concluded that the Internet is a plausible agent for distributing the resources of soft power; however, once disseminated, soft power resources do not always transform into soft power. In the end, contextual conditions within states always apply.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.65-79
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• 2013

This paper examines communication patterns of key Twitter users by considering the socially and politically controversial Sejong City issue in South Korea. The network and message data were drawn from twtkr.com. Social network-based indicators and visualization methods were used to analyze political discourse among key Twitter users over time and illustrate various types of Tweets by these users and the interconnection between these key users. In addition, the study examines general Twitter users' participation in the discussion on the issue. The results indicate that some Twitter profiles of media outlets tend to be very dominant in terms of their message output, whereas their Tweets are not likely to be circulated by other users. Noteworthy is that Twitter profiles of individuals who are geographically affiliated with the issue are likely to play an important role in the flow of communication.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.81-93
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• 2013

Over the past several decades, educational systems in many parts of the world have undergone manifold changes that have significantly affected the work environment of educators. Among other negative impacts of the globalized reforms in higher education has been the increasing prevalence of workplace bullying. The purpose of this research note is to serve different purposes: (1) examine the causes behind the changing landscape of higher education; (2) discuss previous and current research on workplace bullying; (3) introduce the methodology of the Taiwan Higher Education Faculty Survey (THEFS); (4) outline its anticipated outcome.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.35-47
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• 2013

During the last a few decades, internationalisation of universities has emerged as an important issue not only in developed countries but in developing countries. South Korea as a fast catch-up country has experienced a remarkable change in its higher education system. This change is largely related to the South Korean government's higher education policy and to economic developmental stages. Against this backdrop, in order to assess the internationalisation of Korean higher education, we focus on international student mobility rather than other criteria such as infrastructure or programmes for international students and faculties. According to the recent statistics, the number of inbound foreign students involved in Korean higher education has increased significantly since 2005. Nevertheless, compared to other OECD and Asian countries, the number of outbound students in Korean higher education is high, whereas the number of inbound foreign students in higher education in Korea is very low. Against these observations, Korean government's recent policies and efforts of Korean universities to improve internationalization are discussed. Finally, some policy implications are put forward.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.5-20
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• 2013

Social media holds the potential to facilitate vertical political communication by giving citizens the opportunity to interact directly with their representatives. However, skeptics claim that even when politicians use "interactive media," they avoid direct engagement with constituents, using technology to present a façade of interactivity instead of a genuine dialogue. This study explores how elected officials in three regions of the world are using Twitter to interact with the public. Using the Twitter activity of 15 officials over a period of six months, we show that in addition to the structural features of Twitter that are designed to promote interaction, officials rely on language to foster or to avoid engagement. We also provide evidence that the existence of interactive features does not guarantee interactivity.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.21-34
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• 2013

How do mixed legislative systems shape voter behavior and public perceptions? Through an analysis of the electoral systems in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, this paper evaluates the extent to which the public in these three countries understand their mixed systems and whether claims of voter ignorance translate into irrational voting behavior based on the institutional effects of mixed systems. Through a multi-method approach including data from outside of East Asia, this analysis seeks to determine whether these three cases exhibit patterns consistent with other mixed systems. Empirical analysis affirms levels of strategic voting consistent with comprehension of electoral rules. Furthermore, this analysis suggests a disconnect between practical knowledge and electoral expectations.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.1-8
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• 2019

The blockchain is still new and unfamiliar. But blockchain appears to shake an entire technology innovation system. Blockchain is rapidly drawing attention in that it will be able to fundamentally revolutionize industry ecosystem. While cryptocurrency transactions and market capitalization have been popular in mass media, several platform operators in non-cryptocurrency areas such as jewelry, social networks, and entertainment, are also moving to introduce blockchain technology in full swing. In this brief note, we intend to present integrated theoretical strands to summarize various prospects for blockchain technology. Further, we want to provide a reflection as to whether this new technology gives opportunities, challenges, or risks to future society. Particularly, we point out one of its alternative and promising adoption that gives way to new forms of decentralized and autonomous organizations (DAOs).

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.68-89
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• 2019

When comparing media freedom in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand, so-called "fake news" appears as threats to a deliberative (online) public sphere in these three diverse contexts. However, "racist propaganda", "information operations" and "negative campaigning" might be more accurate terms that explain these forms of systematic manipulative political communication. The three cases show forms of disinformation in under-researched contexts and thereby expand the often Western focused discourses on hate speech and fake news. Additionally, the analysis shows that harmful disinformation disseminated online originates from differing contextual trajectories and is not an "online phenomenon". Drawing on an analysis of connotative context factors, this explorative comparative study enables an understanding of different forms of harmful disinformation in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand. The connotative context factors were inductively inferred from 32 expert interviews providing explanations for the formation of political communication (control) mechanisms.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.1-6
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• 2004

On 27 June 2004, some one million voters went to the polls in Mongolia to elect 76 members of the Great State Hural, Mongolia's parliament. It was the fourth election held in Mongolia under the 1992 constitution. In the previous election, the former communist MPRP won a landslide, ousting the government of former democracy activists. Under the MPRP, Mongolia's economy performed extraordinary well. Surprisingly, the ruling Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) lost its two-thirds majority and half its parliamentarians in the 2004 election. But the Motherland Democracy Coalition (MDC), a coalition of Mongolia's most influential opposition parties, fell short of achieving a majority of its own. After the election, a grand coalition government was formed, paving the way for profound legal, social, and economic reforms.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.27-40
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• 2016

This study uses a network approach to investigate the structural characteristics of sub-organizations within public research institutes in order to obtain their implications for organizational structures. We construct a network based on research similarities between sub-organizations because sub-organizations generally build their own research portfolios. We examine how sub-units are organized based on their structural features. The structural features are compared between three public research institutes in different countries: the Korean the Government-funded Research Institutes (GRIs), the Max-Planck-Gesellschaft in Germany, and the National Laboratories (NLs) in the United States. The structural comparison helps to identify organizational characteristics and to differentiate between them. We found little common ground in the research areas between the GRIs because individual sub-organizations have distinct research portfolios. Therefore, the organizational hierarchy of research in the GRIs is less matured than it is in other public research institutes. This study suggests that the GRIs need to establish integrated strategies in order to strengthen the common knowledge base.