• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.151-168
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• 2021

Misguided use, manipulation, misappropriation, disruption and mismanagement of Information deeply affects the infosphere as well as the social and moral fabric of a society. Information ethics is an attempt to bring the creation, organization, dissemination, and use of information within the ambit of ethical standards and moral codes. The diverse and inherently pluralistic nature of societies however puts forth an additional demand on us - to come up with an intercultural information ethics. An intercultural ethics which is other-centric, context sensitive and workable without being homogenizing, patronizing and colonizing. An endeavor in that direction has already been made by proponents of intercultural information ethics like: Charles M. Ess, Fay Sudweeks, Rafael Capurro, Pak-Hang Wong, Soraj Hongladarom et al. In our paper, we propose that the kind of ethical pluralism being sought in the domain of information ethics can be attained by having a reappraisal of the current methodological strategies, by casting a critical relook at the Eurocentric ethical model. This paper analyses the current framework of Intercultural Information Ethics. And in an endeavour to move towards an all-encompassing, other-centric, workable, intercultural, harmonious and compassionate model of 'Pluralistic Information Ethics', it proposes the Indian / Asian philosophical method of 'Samvāda' to the current inventory which includes methods like: 'parrhesia/free speech' and 'interpretive phronēsis.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2021

With regard to the recent developments in public diplomacy, the increasing fusion of strategic communication appears necessary. China engages in public diplomacy with a strategic purpose to shape its national image abroad. Hosting diplomatic advocacy event is regarded as an instrument with expectations to present reliable and responsible image and promote international collaborations. The present research focuses on the Belt and Road Forum (BRF) in May 2017 with the objective to analyze its outcomes and influence on the international news agenda, news frames, and foreign citizens' comments online. The quantitative content analyses are used to compare the media reports (N=364) and Facebook users' comments on the selected news (N=957) between the US and Pakistan. Results reveal that Pakistani media provided more diverse frames and attributed more positive evaluations to the BRF than the US media. However, Facebook comments expressed more unfavorable opinions toward the BRF and China's image with rare differences between two countries. In conclusion, the BRF has served as an eye-catching advocacy of Chinese foreign policy, as it influenced the news agenda in two selected countries. However, news frames vary due to the differences in media system and the involvement in the BRF. China's public diplomacy practices follow a traditional top-down communication which needs meticulous subdivision of target stakeholders, delicate messaging strategies, and integrated tactics.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.24-43
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• 2021

Traditionally, students from the Southern world tend to cross their national borders to study abroad. However, in recent times, we have observed a trend in which more and more students, both full-time and short-term, select Southern countries as destinations for overseas education. This paper contributes to the sparse literature on the above phenomenon, examining the case of Vietnam. We surveyed 50 universities and colleges about their international student profiles (including statistics and nationalities) and their strategies for attracting international students. The findings of this study provide implications for Vietnam's policymakers and university/college leaders and other Southern countries when implementing the internationalization of tertiary education.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.33-42
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• 2022

The world has witnessed the outbreak of the Covid-19 epidemic. Mainstream and social media are playing an important role in Covid-19 pandemic prevention. This research explores awareness, communication channels and effectiveness of communication in the Covid-19 pandemic in rural areas of Thua Thien Hue province, Central Vietnam. Primary information was collected from 181 respondents, who are farmers, non-farmers and students. Secondary information was collected from reports and statistical data. Television, word of mouth and local loudspeakers are the main channels of mainstream media while social media mentions the role of Facebook and Zalo to transfer Covid-19 pandemic information. Mainstream media is still the main channel of farmers and old people while non-farmers and young people tend to access information through social media. Communication has significantly contributed to improving awareness and action of rural people in the Covid-19 epidemic prevention.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.53-71
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• 2022

The overall purposes of this study are to identify actions taken to counter predatory publishing practices as well as to propose an ICT-based model to detect such practices. The need to raise quantitative performance metrics to support career goals has created immense pressure on researchers to publish in the literature as frequently as possible. This "publish or perish" syndrome appears to be fueling a rise in scholarly journals and conferences that provide quicker and easier routes to publication. However, such avenues sometimes involve questionable academic practices with important ethical ramifications. One notable example is the proliferation of predatory publishing, including predatory journals and fake conferences. The widening impact of such activities is beginning to prompt academic societies, publishers, and institutions to take measures. This paper discusses the issues on predatory publishing practices, and some of the actions taken by various stakeholders to address these practices. In order to build a transparent and sustainable scholarly publishing ecosystem, this study highlights multi-dimensional and specific solutions, including reforms to research ethics codes, research management rules, and legal protection from exploitative practices. This paper proposes an ICT-based cooperative model for monitoring of predatory publishers as a potential solution to create a sustainable and transparent infrastructure for a scholarly publication system guarding against misconduct in publishing practices.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.1-25
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• 2023

The aim of this study is to answer the straightforward question of whether the implementation of IC has fueled non-interest incomes of banks or not. By utilizing the data of 26 domestic banks in Vietnam and employing the value-added intellectual coefficient model (VAIC) as the measure of IC efficiency, our empirical evidence manifests that IC plays a vital role in fostering non-interest incomes of banks. When dividing VAIC into different components, we find that structure capital employed (SCE) is the most important component to enhance the expansion of these incomes compared with other components including capital employed efficiency (CEE), human capital efficiency (HCE). These findings remain unchanged through some robustness tests performed. While the main driver of IC and SCE, CEE component becomes a substantial advantage to increase non-interest incomes in large banks. Meanwhile, the degree of impact of SCE is higher in small banks compared with large ones. Overall, this study would provide a deep insight into the role of IC in the transformation into non-interest income activities of banks in an emerging country, and therefore our findings would be useful for both scholars and policy-makers in Vietnam, where has undergone the period of major reforms in banking system.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.18-38
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• 2023

This paper examines the Chinese government's response to four epidemic crises, including COVID-19, and analyzes the similarities and differences in these responses. It argues that while the Chinese government learned from previous epidemics and improved its handling of subsequent outbreaks, a significant variation occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic, which had a detrimental impact globally. Existing scholarly research on China's epidemic responses has often been limited in scope, focusing on individual crises and neglecting the central-local government relationship in crisis decision-making. By adopting a comprehensive approach, this paper delves into the nuanced dynamics of China's responses to these epidemics. It highlights the variations in responses, attributing them to the Chinese government's fear of undermined legitimacy and its consideration of its international image. The government's recognition of the importance of public perception and trust, both domestically and globally, has shaped its crisis management strategies. Through a detailed analysis of these factors, this paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the variations observed in China's epidemic responses. It emphasizes the significance of the central-local government relationship and the government's international image in determining its actions during epidemics. Recognizing these factors can provide policymakers and researchers with insights to shape future epidemic response strategies and foster effective global health governance.

• The Korean Journal of Physiology and Pharmacology
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.555-561
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• 2020

TWIK-related two-pore domain K⁺ channel-2 (TREK-2) has voltage-independent activity and shows additional activation by acidic intracellular pH (pH_i) via neutralizing the E³³² in the cytoplasmic C terminal (Ct). We reported opposite regulations of TREK-2 by phosphatidylinositol 4,5-bisphosphate (PIP₂) via the alkaline K³³⁰ and triple Arg residues (R^355-357); inhibition and activation, respectively. The G³³⁴ between them appeared critical because its mutation (G³³⁴A) endowed hTREK-2 with tonic activity, similar to the mutation of the inhibitory K³³⁰ (K³³⁰A). To further elucidate the role of putative bent conformation at G³³⁴, we compared the dual mutation forms, K³³⁰A/G³³⁴A and G³³⁴A/R^355-7A, showing higher and lower basal activity, respectively. The results suggested that the tonic activity of G³³⁴A owes to a dominant influence from R^355-7. Since there are additional triple Arg residues (R^377-9) distal to R^355-7, we also examined the triple mutant (G³³⁴A/R^355-7A/R^377-9A) that showed tonic inhibition same with G³³⁴A/R^355-7A. Despite the state of tonic inhibition, the activation by acidic pH_i was preserved in both G³³⁴A/R^355-7A and G³³⁴A/R^355-7A/R^377-9A, similar to the R^355-7A. Also, the inhibitory effect of ATP could be commonly demonstrated under the activation by acidic pH_i in R^355-7A, G³³⁴A/R^355-7A, and G³³⁴A/R^355-7A/R^377-9A. These results suggest that the putative bent conformation at G³³⁴ is important to set the tug-of-war between K³³⁰ and R^355-7 in the PIP₂-dependent regulation of TREK-2.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.61-75
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• 2012

The historical turbulence between China and Japan started from the First Sino-Japanese War in 1895, and culminated in Japan's invasion of China during World War Two (the Second Sino-Japanese War) between 1937 and 1945. A series of wars caused huge human and material losses in both countries, and both experienced comprehensive transformations during and after the wars. The impact of this historical turbulence is so long-lasting that it still influences both countries' social psyche. Moreover, it continues casting a long shadow upon the current Sino-Japanese relations. The recent turbulence in Sino-Japanese relations partly stems from the historical turbulence. It is much less violent but can also be emotional and worrisome. It started from the early 1980s (the Japanese history textbook controversy in 1982 and the 1985 anti-Japanese student protests in China), and culminated in the anti-Japanese mass demonstrations in multiple Chinese cities in 2005 (Bush 2010; Gries 2005; Reilly 2012; Stockmann 2010; Weiss 2008). In addition to dramatic demonstrations on streets, there are also other forms of movements, such as war reparations movements, in which Chinese war victims demand reparations from the Japanese state and companies (Rose 2005; Xu and Fine 2010; Xu and Pu 2010). Although the tension has existed for many years and surfaced from time to time, the eruption of the nationwide anti-Japanese movements in China in 2005 still shocked many outside observers. Many scholars have tried to explain the anti-Japanese sentiment within current Chinese society that underlies and drives these social movements. Through careful reexamination of the existing literature, this article proposes an explanation for the anti-Japanese sentiment from a perspective that stresses the shifting state-society interaction in China's Japan policy. Specifically, the totalitarian Chinese state's neglect and suppression of genuine social concerns regarding Japan in earlier years, followed by a relatively liberalized state that tolerates societal participation in Sino-Japanese relations, are an importance source of the anti-Japanese sentiment recently observed in China.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.47-60
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• 2012

Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.