• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.307-344
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• 2009

This year of 2009 is the 420th anniversary for the high treason case in the year of ox (year 1589). Until now, there is an endless discussion still progressing about Jeong, Yeo Rip. The evaluation of such individual varies widely according to the viewpoint of each individual. However, the problem is that such confusion or issue is exaggerated under the pretense of his idea's progressivity. The true identity and ideology of Jeong, Yeo Rip will become clear once we review such fact from the origin. This article considered abstract and ideological evaluation of occasion and took its approach thoroughly based on the historical research of literature. Until now, some parts academic world have denied and argued about the fabrication about every details of Jeong, Yeo Rip and event of high treason in the year of ox while accepting the habitual sentence spoken by such individual without a doubt. They have exaggerated Jeong, Yeo Rip as an 'Incompleted Revolutionist' or 'Individual of Revolutionary Ideology'. However, it is imprecise to speak about the terminology of 'Revolutionary'. His ideology is simply elucidating the principal of original Confucianism or a new interpretation of the principle of Confucianism. Jeong, Yeo Rip wanted to contradict the system of national school based on the Zhu-xi's ideology and returned to the principle of original Confucianism. His idea of utopia based on the Confucianism arouse out of the intention of reviving the spirit of original Confucianism. His antagonistic propensity to Zhu-xi's ideology or political idea has transcended the principle of justification based on Sung Confucianism and was also logical and realistic. He was forced on to the deadly circumstance since the society of Joseon Dynasty couldn't accept such logical and progressive idea and deemed him to be nothing more than a disturbing element for the society.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.26
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• pp.445-463
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• 2012

Beltenebros is Antonio Mu?oz Molina's third novel. Its plot originates in a criminal act. Darman, the main character, arrives in Madrid to kill a traitor of the undercover organization to which he himself belongs. Treason is paid with death and Darman is in charge of the executions. The intricate story of espionage and intrigue is absorbing. Unlike other novels of the genre, in Beltenebros we can witness a unique psychological development of the main character. In his fiftieth anniversary, Darman becomes conscious of the painful and devastating effects of his criminal acts on the lives of the people he has crossed paths with. Then, for the first time, he acts like a Romanesque heroe by killing Valdivia-Ugarte, a deceitful mole who has been manipulating the strings of the plot to his own benefit. The story unfolds along an almost uniform progression of chronological time, only interrupted by random memories of a past that twenty years ago destroyed Walter's life, and in which Darman and the rest of the characters are all implicated. Few references to the Spanish Civil War inserted in the discourse are, however, of paramount importance as the depiction of a historical trauma, as a triggering force for the episodes of the novel, or as justification to Darman'scrimes as well as those of the clandestine Comunist Party. Indeed they were the victims of the conflict and the winners inflicted upon them hatred, repression, treason and disloyalty. As in other Mu?oz Molina's novels, the literary space, in this case Madrid, propels the development of the plot, and plays a protagonist role only equal to that of the main characters. It is in Madrid where Darman lives until he becomes prisoner of the enemy army, or where the symmetrical deaths of Walter and Andrade take place. Other spaces inhabit Madrid: the Universal Cinema, symbolic territory of the secret and hidden, where the story, as well as the relationships of the characters start and end the warehouse; or the Bo?te Tab? the nightclub that frequents Valdivia-Ugarte through secret passages connected with the Universal Cinema.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.6
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• pp.7-31
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• 2004

This paper argues that (1) word-for-word literary translation is not possible; all it does is achieve what Chukovsky characterized as 'imprecise precision' (1984:47), (2) contra to Nida (1969) and others, translation does not just mean translating meaning, and (3) therefore, a translator must negotiate an uneasy but inevitable compromise between accuracy and elegance. To make the translated passage just as pleasing, moving, and cathartic as the original passage as much as possible, a great deal of literary skill is required on the part of the translator. The iniquity of translators is not so much infidelity as infertility to produce an offspring worthy of an heir to the original writer. Translators are not traitors; they are traders, or literary merchants, who trade one form of linguistic unit for another, often meaning for form, or sense for sound, but sometimes form for meaning. A translator then is not a man of treason but is a tradesman.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.15 no.6_1
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• pp.43-48
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• 2015

One of the background reasons of the raise of the voluntary army under the name of justice in 1728, in late Chosun period, was the discontent against the regime at that time. After the King Young-Jo ascended a throne of Chosun dynasty, some people such as Lee In-Jwa and JUNG Hee-Ryang organized rebels and raised a rebellion. At this time of a national crisis, there were people organizing the army of the justice and joining in the battles against the rebels with the royal forces of Chosun dynasty. JUNG Dong-Beum, one of the leaders of voluntary armies of justice, is a good example. For these people playing roles in the army of justice, more follow-up studies should be continued.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.117-167
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• 2019

The aim of this article is to illuminate the Park Yeol(朴烈)·Kaneko Humiko(金子文子) Case from the perspective of performance, by analyzing newspapers published in Colonial Korea. The Park Yeol·Kaneko Humiko Case include the High Treason Incident(大逆事件) case and the mysterious photo(怪寫眞) case that occurred in Tokyo in Imperial Japan from 1923 to 1926. Even though Park Yeol·Kaneko Humiko were individually imprisoned during this period, they proceeded to act shrewdly and preposterously as performers. First, they made the trial itself into an astonishing case by donning traditional Korean clothes and insisting on using the Korean language in Japanese Imperial Court. Second, they caused the judge in charge to accidentally take the so-called 'mysterious photo,' which later led to the collapse of the Japanese cabinet. The newspapers published in Colonial Korea served as unique stage on which Park Yeol and Kaneko Humiko performed. The newspaper articles reported on the public trials as if it were a drama, describing their clothes, look, and dialogue in public court. The news about them was published not as it occurred but in a plotted sequence because of a press ban, consequentially building suspense among readers. Meanwhile, the Korean newspaper editorials pointed out the injustice of the High Treason Incident, breaking down the Japanese judge's opinion. The Park Yeol·Kaneko Humiko Case was a social drama that revealed the disharmony that led to the breakdown of Taisho Democracy and imprinting national resistance in Japan as well as in Korea.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.5
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• pp.29-40
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• 2020

Ui-Gum-Bu(義禁府) is regarded as a key organization that reflects the power of the royal authority, mainly because it directly obeys the king's command and retains the power to punish or pardon government officials for severe crimes such as treason or significant breach of Confucian ethics. For this reason, Ui-Gum-Bu held a higher place in the organizational hierarchy of the government than other similar offices such as Hyung-Jo(刑曹), Sa-Heon-Bu(司憲府) and P o-Do-Cheong(捕盜廳). This characteristic of Ui-Gum-Bu is also evident in the architectural style and composition of the office building. The figures of the Ui-Gum-Bu office is depicted in detail in the paintings listed in 『Gum-Oh-Gye-Cheop(金吾契帖』, a record of Ui-Gum-Bu office meetings, and descriptions in the code book 『Gum-Oh-Hun-Rog(金吾契帖)』, both written in 18th century. The purpose of this study is to reveal the overall transition process of the Ui-Gum-Bu office building from the beginning until its demolition in the early 20th century. Based on research materials of 18th century, its architectural composition and characteristics will be dealt in detail.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.