• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.163-186
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• 2014

This paper argues that the formation of regional integration frameworks can be best understood as a dominant state's attempt to create a preferred regional framework in which it can exercise exclusive influence. In this context, it is important to observe not only which countries are included in a regional framework, but also which countries are excluded from it. For example, the distinct feature of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is its exclusion of China, and that of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) is its exclusion of the United States (US). An exclusion of a particular country does not mean that the excluded country will perpetually remain outside the framework. In fact, TPP may someday include China, resulting from a policy of the US "engaging" or "socializing" China rather than "balancing" against it. However, the first step of such a policy is to establish a regional framework from which the target country of engagement is excluded.

• 한국정보컨버전스학회논문지
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.25-36
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• 2013

본 글은 최근 동아시아 경제통합에 대한 필요성 제고 및 강대국 간 주도권 경쟁에 따른 동아시아 지역 내 TPP 추진, 특히 日의 환태평양동반자협정(TPP) 참여확정에 기반 한 경제대국간 역내 외 무역구조의 변화와 TPP에 관련된 주요국들의 참여배경에 대해 살펴보고, 동남아시아의 경제적 요충지로서의 부상으로 인한 향후 한국의 TPP 참여의 대응 과제에 대해 논하면서 TPP 참여선언추진을 촉구함에 글의 목적이 있다.

• 무역학회지
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• 제41권4호
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• pp.293-313
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• 2016

동아시아 지역은 FTA 확대로 인해 국경을 초월한 경제일체화가 진척되고 있고, 각국의 규제제도 개혁으로 기업활동의 자유는 높아지고 있으며, 국경을 초월한 공정간 분업이 진전되고 있는 등 무역네트워크의 고도화가 촉진되고 있다. 미국이 주도하는 다자간 FTA인 환태평양경제동반자협정(TPP)은 2016년 2월 4일 뉴질랜드 오클랜드에서 12개국이 협정문에 서명하였는데, 동아시아 무역네트워크의 변화가 예상된다. 본 연구에서는 TPP가 동아시아 무역네트워크에 미칠 영향에 관해 살펴보았다. 연구결과 TPP는 공급사슬의 글로벌화를 이끄는 규제 및 제도로써 공급사슬 구조를 변화시키고, 가치사슬에 긍정적인 효과를 야기한다. 이는 동아시아 무역네트워크에 상당한 영향을 미칠 것이며 참여기업의 경쟁력 강화로 이어질 것이다. 또한 TPP는 향후 아태자유무역지대(FTAAP)의 실현을 위한 토대가 될 것으로 보이는데, 무역의존도가 높은 한국은 이로 인해 변화할 동아시아 무역환경에 효과적으로 대처하기 위한 정책적 노력을 기울여야 할 것이다.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.343-384
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• 2017

We assess the outcomes for the negotiating parties in the Trans-Pacific Partnership if the remaining eleven parties go ahead with the agreement as negotiated without the United States, as compared to the outcomes under the original twelve-member agreement signed in October 2016. We find that the eleven-party agreement, now renamed as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), is a much smaller deal than the twelve-party one, but that some parties do better without the United States in the deal, in particular those in the Western Hemisphere - Canada, Mexico, Chile, and Peru. For the politically relevant medium term, the United States stands to be less well-off outside the TPP than inside. Since provisional deals can be in place for a long time, the results of this study suggest that the eleven parties are better off to implement the CPTPP, leaving aside the controversial governance elements, the implications of which for national interests are unclear and which, in any event, may be substantially affected by parallel bilateral negotiations between individual CPTPP parties and the United States.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.177-215
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• 2018

Trump's withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and his "America First" trade agenda ignite a second round of interest in mega-free trade agreements in the Asia-Pacific. Countries are evaluating alternative trade policy actions in a post-TPP era. Using national real GDP gains estimated by a modified GTAP model to construct "preference ordering" for 10 Association of Southeast Asian Nations members and their six regional dialogue partners, this paper comes up with several policy-oriented findings. First, when multilateral agreements are not possible, countries are better off with a regional trading agreement than without one. Second, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership is likely to have higher beneficial impacts than the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. Third, for dual-track countries, implementing both agreements is better than each separately. Fourth, impacts of open regionalism are likely to be higher than those of a closed and reciprocal one. Going forward, this paper argues that countries should adopt a "multi-track, multi-stage" approach to trade policy.

• 통상정보연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.309-330
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• 2013

4개 국가의 지역 무역협정으로 시작된 환태평양연대협정(TPP)은 미국의 적극적 참여와 일본이 참여 의사를 밝히면서 거대규모의 무역협정으로 확대되었다. 한국은 아직 유보적인 입장이지만 미국의 꾸준한 요청과 아시아 태평양 지역을 아우르는 규모를 감안하여 참여를 타진할 것으로 생각된다. 미국이 주도하는 TPP의 협정내용은 기존에 체결된 FTA를 기반으로 하여 구성될 것으로 예상되고 있다. 꾸준한 발전이 기대되는 전자상거래 분야는 이를 선도하고 있는 미국이 자신들이 유리한 부분을 적극적으로 제시할 것으로 예상되는 바, 한국이 참여한다면 한 미 FTA 등의 기존 협정 분야에서 우리에게 유리했던 부분 등을 적극 제시하고 향후 한국이 전자상거래 시장을 선도하는 방향으로 협상에 임하는 것이 중요하다.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제17권4호
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• pp.333-359
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• 2013

Two mega-regional negotiations are changing the landscape of Asia Pacific trade policy: an Asian track centered on ASEAN (the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership or RCEP), and a Trans-Pacific track centered on the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) among 12 economies, including the United States, which Korea is expected to join. Modeling results suggest that both would generate substantial benefits for Korea and the global economy. From Korea's viewpoint, the agreements would establish new FTAs with China, Japan and smaller economies, improve the utilization of FTAs by permitting the regional cumulation of inputs, and help to upgrade some Korean FTAs to more rigorous standards. By participating in these agreements, Korea could also help to guide them toward inclusive, high-quality regional outcomes. As one of the region's most open and agile economies, Korea has a large stake in regional integration and would be well advised to pursue both tracks.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제20권3호
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• pp.279-309
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• 2016

The proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a free trade agreement among 12 Pacific Rim countries whose joint gross domestic products (GDPs) account for 36 percent of world GDP and whose mutual trade accounts for approximately 24 percent of world trade. As for most proposed free trade agreements (FTAs), trade economists have provided ex ante computable general equilibrium (CGE) estimates to predict the trade, employment, and real per capita income effects of this agreement, such as ITC (2016). This paper-intended to complement these studies-examines the potential impacts of TPP beyond such traditional CGE estimates, taking a broader economic, governance, and historical perspective. First, we contrast these traditional CGE trade and welfare estimates that treat all firms within an industry as homogeneous with more recent CGE analyses that allow firms' productivities to be heterogeneous. We show that the latter models' trade predictions are much more consistent with ex post empirical evidence of average trade effects of FTAs. Second, empirical evidence now strongly confirms the existence of FTA "contagion." We review this evidence and show that predictive models of the evolution of FTAs indicate that the TPP should be formed. With China now having formed 12 FTAs and negotiating five new ones (including a sixteen member Asia-Pacific FTA), the United States would likely face considerable trade diversion without the TPP. Third, we examine empirical evidence on the likely further economic growth implications of FTAs by reducing firms' uncertainty over trade relations and trade policies. Fourth, we examine empirical evidence on the additional impact of FTAs on consolidating democratic institutions in countries. The TPP would likely help consolidate some of the less mature democracies. Fifth, we examine empirical evidence on the reductions of conflicts (and enhanced peace) between countries owing to the formations of FTAs. We conclude the paper noting that the potential net benefits to member countries of the proposed TPP extend well beyond the real income gains to households based upon traditional CGE models.

• 한국정보통신학회논문지
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• 제22권9호
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• pp.1271-1276
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• 2018

2018년 3월 8일, 칠레 산티아고에서 베트남을 포함한 11개 국가들이 포괄적이고 점진적인 환태평양경제동반자 협정(CPTPP) 출범 합의에 서명하였다. CPTPP(Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership)는 2017년 1월 미국의 TPP 탈퇴 이후 남은 11개국(일본, 호주, 뉴질랜드, 캐나다, 멕시코 칠레, 페루, 싱가포르, 베트남, 말레이시아, 브루나이)이 참여하는 아시아-태평양 지역의 대규모 자유무역협정(FTA)이다. 기존의 TPP 보다 경제적 규모는 작아졌지만, CPTPP 11개국의 국내총생산(GDP) 규모는 전 세계 대비 12.9%, 교역량은 14.9%로 또 다른 메가 FTA가 탄생했다는데 의의가 있다. CPTPP는 기존 TPP의 큰 틀을 그대로 유지함으로써 TPP 합의 사항들이 거의 그대로 적용되지만, 지식재산권과 투자분쟁해결절차 등 일부 민감한 내용들은 적용이 유예 및 수정되었다.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제20권3호
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• pp.311-338
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• 2016

In the race for establishing trading architecture consistent with new landscape of the global economy, the US is ahead of the game by concluding the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement with 11 countries. To make it reality, the ratification is essential. In the battle for ratification in the US, declining globalism confronts rising protectionism. This paper models the ratification process as contest between globalism and protectionism, and analyzes the optimal timing for ratification. Based on this framework, various ratification scenarios are analyzed. The paper argues less likelihood for the lame-duck session passage and more likelihood for prolonged and protracted delay, due to changing political dynamics and declining intellectual support for globalism. Hence, the future of Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement may prove different, compared to the North American Free Trade Agreement and the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement, both of which were renegotiated and ratified eventually. Then, the US would lose the first move advantage. The paper also discusses strategic implications of delayed ratification on the evolution of trading architecture in East Asia.