• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.281-296
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• 1994

It is generally accepted that there is always a potential for crisis in the capitalist society because of the internal contradiction of capitalism. The contradiction is explicitly and implicitly expressed in space. The fundamental contradiction in capitalism, however, is controlled and mediated by the state (i.e., the capitalist state). We thus could argue that the state plays an important role in the capitalist society and in the capitalist spatial formation. It is necessary to note how and why spatial structure has developed unevenly in capitalist societies, particularly in the U.S., The general concept of uneven geographical development is understood in the context of the capitalist economic system and the role of the state. But the problem is that the capitalist state itself has a contradiction between the productive function (i.e., accumulation function) and the reproductive function (i.e., legitimation function). The compromise of the two functions is always the dilemma of the state and the state becomes the object of class struggle (e.g., political class struggle) . The research questions are as follows. First, what is the role of the state in the economic structure and what is the internal problem of the state\ulcorner Second, what is the role of the state in space economy (or in spatial structure)\ulcorner And last, what is the relation between the federal state and the local state in the U.S. and how does the relation form the urban policies and thus the urban and regional development\ulcorner The paper will be looking at how the political economy in the U.S. explains unevenly developed geographical phenomenon.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.137-159
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• 2012

This is a dissertation about the state and cable television industry relationship during the early days of Kim Dae-Jung administration(1998.2-2000.1) in Korea. This study adopted historical approach and methodology of archival research. Offe's state theories of reproduction of late capitalism and the concept of Korean patriarchal state-led capitalism were suggested in this paper. Offe argued that the goal of the late capitalist state is successful capital accumulation and democratic legitimation with bureaucratic rationalization. For this purpose, the state intervenes market structuring by various plans and national policies. The Kim Dae-Jung administration reorganized cable television market with neo-liberalistic strategies and corporatist forms of policy-making. The government negotiated capitalists and civil society for managing capitalistic economy and cable television market in a horizontal relationship. Successful consequences of the market growth resulted in generating mass loyalty. The former administrations to the contrary, invisibly arranged state-led capitalism was an only alternative to the Kim Dae-Jung administration. The Korean state-led capitalism evolved gradually into different forms.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.64 no.4
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• pp.651-672
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• 2018

Death of a Salesman is centered on Willy Loman trying to achieve the American dream and taking his family along for the ride. This paper explores the meaning of his suicide in the work through the Adorno's theory on the individual's reification and commodity by an exchange value in the capitalism and argues that Bourdieu's capital classification shows the cause of his tragic decision. Reification refers to "the structural process whereby the commodity form permeates life in capitalist society." and Adorno called the reification of consciousness an epiphenomenon. The social-psychological level in Adorno's diagnosis serves to demonstrate the effectiveness and pervasiveness of late capitalist exploitation. According to Bourdieu, cultural capital can exist three forms: in the embodied state, in the objectifed state and in the instituionalized state. He states embodied capital is argued to be the most significant influence; however unlike other forms of capital (social, economic, etc.) obtaining embodied capital is largely out of the individuals' control as it is developed from birth. In conclusion, I suggest Death of a Salesman can be interpreted as a text criticizing the internalization of the subject, which is the result of the self-destructive mechanism of the subject in the logic of modern subject formation.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.170-183
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• 2002

Recently it is supposed to be a shift to regional geography. To understand the emergence of the new regional geography, It must be remarked that the progress of capitalist production and consumption change our conceptional apparatus such as representation of space. Region is one of the important mode of representations of space and time. In the Fordist capitalism of 20th century, development is regarded as diffusion of capitalist expansion of western worlds. State must support capitalist growth through regional policies which include constructing of infrastructure and regionalization of spatial division of labour. The regional development theories contributed as ideology and policy tools for state intervention. The region was simply one of the most logical classification tools of organizing geographical informations. In the theories of regional development, the concept of region was reduced to the formal unit of classification. As the transition from Fordism to flexible accumulation, the region is again acquiring its 'identity' and 'authenticity'. In this tendency of the revival of region, it is expected that good achievement could be made in the field of regional geography through relevant research methods. It is also believed one of the available means are historical approaches to the cultural and ecological regions. The historical approaches to cultural and ecological regions are not only correspondent with cultural development strategies of local governments, but also could convey regional identities through both narrativization of place and aestheticization of landscape.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.181-215
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• 2017

The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.348-365
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• 2013

This paper aims to examine the complexities of the state-nature relations in Korea by emphasizing the complex processes of interactions between the state and nature. In doing so, it relies on the literature of "political ecology of state-nature" which problematizes the conventional modernist views on nature assuming the dualistic separation between the state and nature. First, we critically review the existing Korean literature on the state-nature relation (e.g., the ecologism, the metabolic rift theory, the social construction of the nature, the green state thesis, etc.) and argue that these studies significantly lack the recognition of the interactions between the state and nature. Second, we discuss the possibilities of seeing the state-nature relations from the perspective of political ecology as an alternative approach to the state-nature relation. Last, we conclude that the political ecology approach to the state-nature can deepen our understandings of the Korean capitalist development.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.263-293
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• 2011

There have been many studies on the relationship between welfare states and the poverty. Yet, only a few studies have been addressed the poverty alleviation effect of public pension using difference in difference(DID). This study aims to analyze poverty alleviation effect for the old aged of public pension in 10 OECD countries using DID considering welfare states regimes. The empirical analyses are based on panel data of individuals aged 50 and over from two sources: SHARE in Europe(wave I~II) and HRS in USA(2004~2006). As a result of simple DID, this study provides evidence that the poverty rate of the old aged who has not been received the pension is increased, while the poverty rate of pensioner is sharply decreased. The anti-poverty effect of public pension using DID is 45.6% which is bigger than that of pre/post approach. The policy impact used by pre/post approach in conservative welfare regime is underestimated while those in liberal and socialist regime are overestimated. In last, GDP growth rate has not significant while public pension contributes to poverty alleviation effects of the old aged. Poverty alleviation effects of public pension are also varied with welfare state regimes. The poverty alleviation effects of public pension in conservative welfare and social democratic welfare state regime are significantly bigger than that in liberal welfare state regime.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.288-310
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• 2017

This paper aims to provide a conceptual framework to see the special zones in East Asia in relation to the territorialities of the state. For this, it will introduce Aihwa Ong's notion of 'spaces of exception', and provide some critical discussions on it. Unlike Ong, I do not see the spaces of exception as an outcome of neoliberal changes of the state. Instead, I propose to see the special zones in terms of the internal limitations of the modern state territoriality. In particular, I try to theorize the special zones in relation to the dialectics of the contradictory relations between mobility and fixity inherent in the territoriality of the modern nation state. In addition, it will be suggested to see special zones as an essential part of the spatiality of the East Asian developmental states, given the spatio-temporal contexts of the East Asian capitalist development. On the basis of these theoretical discussions, this paper will divide the special zones that have been developed in East Asia since the 1960s into 3 different types, including 1) developmentalist special zones, 2) neo-liberal special zones, and 3) special zones for transition, and discuss their characteristics.