• Strategy21
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• 통권42호
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• 수산경영론집
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• 제53권3호
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• pp.1-15
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• 2022

The global cod market is supposed to have weak structure with a high dependence on the supply of Russia, the United States, Norway, and China. The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly disrupted the cod supply chain for the worse. Fish processing facilities in China stopped their operation, and cod demand declined due to shrinking consumption in Europe. The position of South Korea as an intermediary trade country between Russia and China strengthened due to the U.S.-China trade war and the Atlantic cod decrease in 2019. However, this global cod supply chain collapse has caused South Korea to export accumulated cod to Indonesia and Vietnam at a bargain price, showing that South Korea was unable to cope with this supply chain crisis. The primary purpose of this study is to investigate changes in the global cod supply chain and their impacts on the intermediary trade of South Korea caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. It also aims to provide implications by analyzing advanced cases in Denmark. As the cod supply chain crisis countermeasures, this study suggests that South Korea develop high value-added marine products, gain competitive advantages by solidifying the value chains of related countries, and activate export by discovering alternative markets in terms of the supply chain of the cod industry.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제22권
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• pp.77-106
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• 2003

이 논문은 WTO 서비스 협상에 대비하여 우리나라의 방송규제 정비의 필요성을 논의한 정책 연구이다. 커뮤니케이션의 세계화 추세가 진척됨에 따라, 그리고 세계 경제가 정보산업에 의지하는 비중이 커감에 따라, 미디어 정책이 WTO등 세계경제기구의 관심과 논의의 범주에 들게 되었다. 이 같은 변화는 오랫동안 방송영상산업을 문화로 규정, 국가의 정책적 개입을 인정해온 관행에 일대 변혁를 요구하는 것이어서 국제사회에서 큰 파장을 불러일으키고 있다. 방송정책이 문화와 정체성 유지를 위한 개별국가의 고유권한인지, 아니면 시장론자의 견해대로 자유로운 시장유통을 저해하는 무역장벽인지의 문제는 단순한 이론적인 논쟁에 그치지 않는다. 여기에는 각국의 문화적, 경제적 이익의 추구가 관여되어 있으며, 각국의 이해관계는 미국 대 프랑스, WTO 대 UNESCO를 최정점으로 하여 세계 영상산업 지적도 상의 각국의 위상에 따라 다양하게 나타난다. 우리나라는 입지 조건적으로 국가지원 모델을 채택하고 있는 나라와 입장을 같이 하나, 대미관계 때문에 WTO 협상 논의에서 전적으로 자유로울 수 없다. 한국의 전략적 선택을 위해 우리나라의 방송 규제의 제문제를 여타 OECD 국가의 방송규제와 비교, 분석하였다.

• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.151-182
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• 2019

중국의 부상과 그에 상응하여 세계 각지의 국제무대와 지역 수준에서 중국인의 참여가 증가했다. 이는 중국이 지금까지 미국의 영향력 대체를 위해 노력하고 있다고 알려져 있기 때문에 중국과 미국 사이에 전략적 경쟁과 경쟁의 주장이 설득력을 얻고 있다. 결과적으로 미국이 미국의 영향력과 이익을 보호하기 위해 중국의 개입 증가에 대응해야 한다는 요구가 있었다. 이 연구는 아프리카에 대한 중국의 참여가 증가하면 대륙에서 미국의 전략적 이익을 대체하는 정도를 조사함으로써 이 논쟁에 기여하는 것을 목표로 하고 있다. 이 연구는 아프리카에 대한 중국의 개입은 중국이 대륙에서 널리 묘사되고 상상한 것처럼 미국의 이익을 위협할 필요가 없는 틈새시장을 만드는 것을 수반했다고 주장한다. 이는 중국이 현저하게 위협할 수 있는 세계의 다른 전략적 부분에 비해 미국은 역사적으로 아프리카에 대한 전략적 이해관계가 비교적 미미하다는 점을 전제로 한 것이다. 이런 식으로 볼 때, 아프리카에서의 중국인의 침투 증가는 미국의 핵심 전략적 이익에 즉각적인 위협을 가하지 않았기 때문에, 아프리카에서의 중국 주둔에 대항하기 위해 미국이 측정한 대응을 설명한다.

• Journal of Dairy Science and Biotechnology
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.43-56
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• 1996

The world dairy industry has been driving their dairy policy on the basis of the self-supportihg principle. With progressing the GATT negotiation, the objective production amount has been reduced to maintain the optimum level, which decreasing the extra supply and over-stock before the U.R talks. The Oceania countries, where has the price competition capability, are continually increasing the milk production amount. Even through the USA is trying to increase their production amount with new export policy, the U.S.S.R collapse-down caused to decrease the milk production in world-wide basis. Because the U.S.S.R produced the highest amount of milk in the world. Moreover Europe Union countries, which recorded the half amount of dairy products in the world was decreasing their milk production. Therefore, about 4% of shortage is encountering at major dairy production countries in the standpoint of supply and demand. The drastic increasement of foreign dairy product import affects the domestic dairy industry with raw milk replacement and new dairy food demands creation since 1995, the initial period of free import system. Now, the domestic dairy industry are facing the inevitable problems such as the correction of producting and processing system. First of all, our dairy industry should resettle down the dairy production structure on the basis of self-supply of raw milk and offer the accurate dairy food informations. We still need to improve the raw milk quality. Also, more efforts are needed to have proper raw milk price policy. General domestic policies including the settlement of raw milk supply and demand, the reliability of inspection system in raw milk, ideal raw milk price system, centralization of raw milk collection, specially separated dairy organization should be improved legally in our dairy industry.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.81-94
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• 1990

본고(本稿)는 밀수(密輸)나 암시장(暗市場)(black market)과 같은 불법거래행위(不法去來行爲)가 발생(發生)하는 원인이 제한적(制限的) 수입정책(輸入政策)에 있다는 주장(主張)의 타당성(妥當性)에 대하여 분석(分析)하고 있다. 암거래상품(暗去來商品)과 합법교역상품(合法交易商品)이 똑같은 가격(價格)으로 거래되는 경우에는, 수입자유화(輸入自由化) 결과(結果)로 수입단가(輸入單價)가 하락하면 국내생산공급(國內生産供給)과 암거래(暗去來)가 감소하고 수입량(輸入量)이 증가하여 합법교역(合法交易) 암거래(暗去來) 대체효과(代替效果)가 발생한다. 그러나 암거래(暗去來)와 합법거래(合法去來)가 이원적(二元的)으로 운용(運用)되는 경우에는, 암거래상품(暗去來商品)과 합법교역상품(合法交易商品) 사이의 상대가격변화(相對價格變化)는 두 상품수요(商品需要)에 대한 대체효과(代替效果)와 소득효과(所得效果)를 유발한다. 따라서 수입가격하락(輸入價格下落)으로 합법교역상품(合法交易商品)의 상대가격(相對價格)이 하락하면 합법교역상품(合法交易商品)에 대한 수요(需要)가 증가하나 암거래상품(暗去來商品)의 수요(需要)에 대해서는 부(負)의 대체효과(代替效果)와 정(正)의 소득효과(所得效果)가 발생하는데, 대체효과(代替效果)를 소득효과(所得效果)가 상살(相殺)하는 경우에는 수입정책완화(輸入政策緩和)의 암거래억제효과(暗去來抑制效果)가 나타나지 않는다. 반면 직접적인 암거래규제강화(暗去來規制强化)는 암거래행위(暗去來行爲)의 위험비용(危險費用)을 증가시키므로 암시장가격(暗市場價格)이 상승하고 암거래행위(暗去來行爲)가 위축(萎縮)되는 효과(效果)가 발생한다. 이와 같은 결과는 제한적(制限的) 수입정책(輸入政策)이 유발하는 잠재적(潛在的) 초과수요(超過需要)뿐만 아니라 면세수입증가(免稅輸入增加)에 따르는 잠재적(潛在的) 초과공급(超過供給)이 암시장(暗市場)의 생성(生成)을 유발한다는 전제(前提)로부터 도출되었다.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제14권3_1호
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• pp.35-44
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• 2014

한국과 미국 간의 방산협력은 매우 저조하다. 상호 방산 수출입 규모에서도 심각한 역조현상은 지속되고 있고, 한국방위산업은 고질적인 취약점을 벗어나지 못하고 있다. 이러한 문제를 해결하는 정책대안으로 미국과의 방산국제협력 확대가 필요하다고 제시하였다. 미국은 현재 방산분야 글로벌화의 추세를 적극적으로 활용하려는 방산 국제협력정책을 추구한다고 분석하였다. 대표적인 사례로, 해외로부터 긴요한 방산물자의 공급 보장을 위한 6개 국가와의 협약, 방산물자와 방산기술의 수출 승인 면제를 위한 영국과 호주와의 방산무역조약, 방산물자와 서비스를 공급할 수 있는 여건을 부여하기 위하여 23개 국가와 체결한 방산양해각서, F-35 전투기사업의 체계개발, 양산, 후속 성능개량 단계에서 8개 국가와 국제협력 등이다. 이에 한국은 미국과 방산 국제협력 추진 방안으로, 우선 정부차원에서 미국과 포괄적인 방산 양해각서를 체결하고, 방산업체 차원에서는 공동 연구개발과 공동생산의 기회를 넓혀가야 한다. 한국 방위산업의 고질적인 취약점을 개선하고 방산수출의 경쟁력 강화에 효과가 있을 것이다.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.212-235
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• 2021

In spite of the increasing popularity of the Ricardian model for the study of the impact of climate change on agriculture, there has been few attempts to examine the role of interregional spillovers in this framework and all of them rely on geographical proximity-based weighting schemes. We remedy to this gap by focusing on the spatial externalities of surface water flow used for irrigation purposes and demonstrate that farmland value, the usual dependent variable used in the Ricardian framework, is a function of the climate variables experienced locally and in the upstream locations. This novel approach is tested empirically on a spatial panel model estimated across the counties of the Southwest USA over 1997-2012. This region is one of the driest in the country, hence its agriculture relies heavily on irrigated surface water. The results highlight how the weather conditions in upstream counties significantly affect downstream agriculture, thus the actual impact of climate change on agriculture and subsequent adaptation policies cannot overlook the streamflow network anymore.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제44권
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• pp.111-180
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• 2009

According to English law, in a voyage policy there is an implied warranty that at the commencement of the voyage the ship shall be seaworthy for the purpose of the particular adventure to be insured. However, Unites States law affords the implied warranty of seaworthiness a great deal of latitude. In the case of voyage policies, it has been traditionally held that the assured is bound not only to have his vessel seaworthy at the commencement of the voyage but also to keep her so, insofar as this can be achieved by himself and his agents, throughout the voyage. Additionally, a defect in seaworthiness, arising after the commencement of the risk, and permitted to continue from bad faith or want of ordinary prudence or diligence on the part of the insured or his agents, discharges the insurer from liability for any loss consequent to such bad faith, or want of prudence or diligence; but does not affect the insurance contract in reference to any other risk or loss covered by the policy, and which is not caused or exacerbated by the aforementioned defect. One of the most important areas of difference in the marine insurance contract between the U.K. and U.S. is the breach of warranty. Prior to the Wilburn Boat case, the MIA was thought to hold that the effect of a breach of warranty was similar under American law -in that under the general maritime law literal compliance with all promissory warranties is required. In this case, the Court concluded that state law should apply to a marine insurance policy, and found that there was no federal rule addressing the consequences of a breach of warranty in marine polices. However, it is of the utmost importance that this case brought to a close the imperative concordance between English and American law. Meanwhile, in relation to marine insurance contracts in Korea, this insurance is subject to English law and practice;, additionally, the international trade volume between Korea and the United States has assumed a vast scale. Therefore, we believe it is important to understand the differences in marine insurance law between the two countries in terms of marine insurance contracts, and most specifically warranties.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.