• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.4
• /
• pp.197-221
• /
• 2018

The Cambodian People's Party swept all 125 assembly seats with 76.78% of the vote in 2018 general elections. The Cambodian National Rescue Party, having been dissolved by court, was excluded from the election and attempted to nullify the legitimacy of the election by demanding its supporters to boycott the election. The Cambodian People's Party launched a campaign encouraging to vote in a desperate need to thwart the boycott movement. The election then became an unprecedented kind of competition the winner of which is decided not by the percentage of the vote but by turnout. The Cambodian People's Party was the winner with the high turnout of 82.89%, securing the means to defend the legitimacy of the election. The potential supporters of the Cambodian National Rescue Party spread out with about a million voters switching to support the Cambodian People's Party. Over a half million invalid votes that unequivocally voiced opposition to the Cambodian People's Party were not sufficient to deny the legitimacy of the election. Having experienced the fierce competition in the 2013 general elections that threatened to end its rule, the Cambodian People's Party decided to secure its power in the upcoming election and executed a tactic designed to remove the rival party through legal means. Competition being removed, the Cambodian political system decayed back to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism from competitive electoral authoritarianism to which it had mad gradual progress through the general elections in the past.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
• /
• v.13 no.2
• /
• pp.47-68
• /
• 2004

The problems on application for custody in CIETAC Arbitration Rule are examined in this paper. First, The issue of jurisdiction for application for custody is arisen from the expansion of material jurisdiction of CIETAC. Until 1998, CIETAC had a jurisdiction only for the cases involving foreigners, but now, it has a jurisdiction not only for the cases involving foreigners but also for domestic cases. In the cases of arbitrating disputes involving foreigners, if the parties concerned apply for the preservation of property, CITEAC shall forward the application to and obtain a ruling from an intermediate people's court in the place where the object of the application resides, or where the property is located. But in the cases of arbitrating domestic disputes, if the parties concerned apply for the preservation of property, CITEAC shall forward the application to and obtain a ruling from an ground-level people's court in the place where the object of the application resides, or where the property is located. Therefore, "People's court" in article 23 of CIETAC Arbitration Rule includes both intermediate people's court and ground-level people's court in its meaning. Second, in the cases that the party concerned submits arbitration to CIETAC, it is not permitted for the party to ask the people's court for custody of property before submitting an arbitration. But there still can be the urgent cases that interests of the party concerned are at stake, and legitimate rights and interests of the party concerned may be damaged beyond remedy, if no application for custody of property is filed immediately. In that cases, even if the party may apply for custody of property with the people's court after submitting an arbitration, it might be too late to preserve property. Therefore, Chinese laws and rules have to be revised so that the party may ask the people's court for custody of property before submitting an arbitration. When revising laws and rules, according to the today's legislation trends, it must be considered that court and arbitration tribunal both have a right to decide the custody of property. When arbitration tribunal decides it, the procedural provisions executing it must be provided. It is also required that China permit to apply preservation of evidence as well as custody of property before submitting an arbitration. It is also strongly recommended that China permit custody of property or preservation of evidence even in the cases that an arbitration is submitted to the arbitration institute which is located in foreign country, not in China.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.16 no.5
• /
• pp.148-156
• /
• 2016

Party is the main factor in modern country. Therefore, there are a lot of articles about the difference of public policies and citizen's recognition according to their supported party. However, there is few research about the regulation recognition according to citizen's supported party. This study focuses on the differences of a regulation recognition according to citizen's supported party. In result, there are a lot of differences of regulation recognition according to citizen's supported party. The people who support Saenuri Party have a positive recognition about a necessity of regulation, a fairness of regulation, a reliability of a regulation. But the people who don't support Saenuri Party have a negative recognition about those. In Korea, government regulations have a lot of relationship with a party and politics.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.189-200
• /
• 2011

Social media environment has had a significant effect on 'power shift' over the world. Such change was due to the choice of smart people. Accordingly, the Smart Citizens Party PR strategies of $S^6M^2AR^3T^4$ should be formulated in accordance with times. Now, politicians or parties can gain a Specific, Simplicity, Sharing and Strong Synergy effect through Social Network Service (SNS). In addition, in order to embody Mighty, Measurable, and Achievable policies, policy-makers should formulate policies based on a Realistic basis, which can gain people's Reliability in every field Relevant to people's way of a happy life by giving them Time of equal opportunity and making them share the same vision and Target with Target segmentation for all sorts of people, Together. In this sense, twelve kinds of alternative words in The Smart Citizens Party PH strategies are suggested. The study suggests desirable direction of development and alternatives in regard to the trends of The Smart Citizens Party PR strategies. Alternatives that are given in this research paper will receive the people's choice because they are a dynamic force to execute 'mighty and powerful Korea'.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
• /
• 2014.11a
• /
• pp.928-931
• /
• 2014

The detection of human behavior from social media revolutionized health, business, criminal and political prediction. Significance of it, in incentive transformation of public opinion had already proven for developed countries in improving democratic process of elections. In $3^{rd}$ World countries, voters poll votes for personal interests being unaware of party manifesto or national interest. These issues can be addressed by social media, resulting as ongoing process of improvement for presently adopted electoral procedures. On the optimistic side, people of such countries applied social media to garner support and campaign for political parties in General Elections. Political leaders, parties, and people empowered themselves with social media, in disseminating party's agenda and advocacy of party's ideology on social media without much campaigning cost. To study effectiveness of social media inferred from individual's political behavior, large scale analysis, sentiment detection & tweet classification was done in order to classify, predict and forecast election results. The experimental results depicts that social media content can be used as an effective indicator for capturing political behaviors of different parties positive, negative and neutral behavior of the party followers as well as party campaign impact can be predicted from the analysis.

• Convergence Security Journal
• /
• v.23 no.5
• /
• pp.223-230
• /
• 2023

The People's Republic of China's influence in the international community is growing in political, economic, military, and diplomatic spheres. The "reform and opening-up" policy proposed and implemented at the 11th Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee in December 1978 under Deng Xiaoping led to the rapid growth of China's economic and military power. The establishment of the National Defense Mobilization Commission in 1994 during Jiang Zemin's presidency also promoted defense mobilization, and the Standing Committees of the 9th, 10th, and 11th National People's Congresses, held since December 1998, formulated plans for defense mobilization legislation, and the first draft of the Defense Mobilization Law was approved in August 2008. In November 2005, under the leadership of President Hu Jintao, the draft Defense Mobilization Law passed the Standing Committee of the State Council, and in February 2010, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress passed it after several rounds of deliberation and amendment, and the Defense Mobilization Law has been promulgated and implemented since July 1, 2010. The People's Republic of China is ruled by the one-party dictatorship of the Communist Party of China and the People's Liberation Army, the armed forces of the Communist Party of China. In this paper, it reviews the contents of the Defense Mobilization Law of China, a totalitarian state, analyzes and evaluates the issues.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.1
• /
• pp.121-144
• /
• 2018

The year 2016 in Cambodia witnessed the collapse of Cambodian democracy. Promising results in terms of fairness the communal elections achieved were eclipsed by the dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party. With press and civil society also being silenced, the ruling Cambodian People's Party expects no more challenge to its authoritarian rule. The economy continued it growth in 2017. However, serious problems embedded in its structure threaten the likelihood of sustainable development. Cambodia with solid China backing began to amp up its voice on the international stage, heading to a head-on collision with big donators including the United States.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.38
• /
• pp.191-214
• /
• 2015

Chinese American Writer, Ha Jin has been writing exclusively about the life in his native Communist China. His stories and poems are almost all about the Chinese people so far. In addition, the distinctive Chinese flavour and the inexorably repressive image of China in his works present an 'Other' to the American culture. Such kind of Chineseness can also be found in Ha Jin's works and his career as a writer. The continued demand for knowledge of China, which is created by China's increasingly important role in the globalized economy, sustains the country's position as an Other for America. In his early four novels, Ha Jin portrays a totally repressive image of Communist China, an image of which functions perfectly as a form of otherness for his American readers. In Ha Jin's portrayal, the Chinese masses are subjected to the Communist authority through its bureaucracy and state-economy mechanism, as well as through the godlike image of Mao Zedong. They are to follow the Communist conscience and subscribe to unity-in-difference. Deviation from the one-party rule is intolerable. In each of the novels, Ha Jin presents a specific system of repression. In In the Pond, confrontation against Party authority is contained by a process of complicity. In Waiting, the Party's power is upheld through a system of surveillance in which people act as agents, resulting in a web of power which paralyses love. The Crazed illustrates a play of power by Party officials which, against the backdrop of the Tiananmen Square Massacre, is full of craze itself, driving people either out of sanity or out of the country. War Trash exposes the Communist power's repression to the extreme by presenting a case of dishonour in those whose life is debased as trash by the Party. The repressive image of China produced in these stories, which span over half a century, makes Ha Jin's China a perfect Other for the West. To sum up, Ha Jin's novels construct a repressive image of China. In his novels, Ha Jin exposes the working of repression in particular systems. Through these systems, he problematizes the notion of personal autonomy for Chinese people and proposes for his western/American readers a solution which eventually turns into a re-presentation of American hegemony.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
• /
• v.36 no.1
• /
• pp.12-26
• /
• 2012

Young people have got to like 'party' and 'attending parties' is considered 'reflection of trendy lifestyle' nowadays. The more party experiences they have, the more party wear styles get various and detail. They want different styles for the next party and it stimulates designers to create something new. We now realize that the party has become popular with an increased market demand for party wear. In addition, we analyze dress styles according to party types to suggest a new dress style to satisfy consumer needs. We suggest two ways to research party wear industry conditions in Korea. Off-line shop managers need to offer practical and various designs for a good price according to party types that make distinctions between on-line and off-line shops. On-line shop managers need to use better materials and develop better service. Considering an analysis of dress style according to party types, an elegant style is good for a formal dinner party and an evening party. A romantic style is good for a season party (such as a New Year's party, a Valentines party and a Christmas party) and a chic style is good for a music party (such as a classic party, jazz party and pop-era party). In addition, the result of a dress style analysis according to party types can be used for the tip for the development of designs to come in the party wear market as well as for a dress style guide to the partiers.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.121-173
• /
• 2016

An election is a major event in a country that elects the people's representatives. Currently, Korea's electoral system has a structure that limits the exclusion of the minority's opinion. Also, it has strengthened the monopoly of major political parties. Despite the harsh conditions, Green Party Korea has proposed an alternative to prevent even the minority from being excluded by practicing direct democracy and expanding proportional representation through the institutionalization of the democratic process within the party. Election campaigns should thus reflect this orientation of Green Party Korea. The local elections and the national elections reflect Korea's political and social status and show the course over two minority parties beyond such limits. Moreover, they provide evidence of the activities of Green Party Korea. The paper analyzes how the election archives of the party hold the values of democracy, how minor parties jump to another because of the unfavorable election system, and how the archives of Green Party Korea reflect its values on the political history of Korea.