• 제목/요약/키워드: Territory defense

검색결과 27건 처리시간 0.027초

국가의 해양주권 수호를 위한 한국해군의 전력건설 방향 (The Construction Direction of the ROK NAVY for the Protection of Marine Sovereignty)

  • 신인균
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권30호
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    • pp.99-142
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    • 2012
  • Withe increased North Korea's security threats, the South Korean navy has been faced with deteriorating security environment. While North Korea has increased asymmetric forces in the maritime and underwater with the development of nuclear weapons, and China and Japan have made a large investment in the buildup of naval forces, the power of the Pacific fleet of the US, a key ally is expected to be weakened. The biggest threat comes from China's intervention in case of full-scale war with North Korea, but low-density conflict issues are also serious problems. North Korea has violated the Armistice Agreement 2,660 times since the end of Korean War, among which the number of marine provocations reaches 1,430 times, and the tension over the NLL issue has been intensifying. With tension mounting between Korea and Japan over the Dokdo issue and conflict escalating with China over Ieo do Islet, the US Navy has confronted situation where it cannot fully concentrate on the security of the Korean peninsula, which leads to need for strengthening of South Korea's naval forces. Let's look at naval forces of neighboring countries. North Korea is threatening South Korean navy with its increased asymmetric forces, including submarines. China has achieved the remarkable development of naval forces since the promotion of 3-step plan to strengthen naval power from 1989, and it now retains highly modernized naval forces. Japan makes an investment in the construction of stat of the art warship every year. Since Japan's warship boasts of its advanced performance, Japan's Maritime Self Defense Force is evaluated the second most powerful behind the US Navy on the assumption that submarine power is not included in the naval forces. In this situation, naval power construction of South Korean navy should be done in phases, focusing on the followings; First, military strength to repel the energy warship quickly without any damage in case of battle with North Korea needs to be secured. Second, it is necessary to develop abilities to discourage the use of nuclear weapons of North Korea and attack its nuclear facilities in case of emergency. Third, construction of military power to suppress armed provocations from China and Japan is required. Based on the above naval power construction methods, the direction of power construction is suggested as follows. The sea fleet needs to build up its war potential to defeat the naval forces of North Korea quickly and participate in anti-submarine operations in response to North Korea's provocations. The task fleet should be composed of 3 task flotilla and retain the power to support the sea fleet and suppress the occurrence of maritime disputes with neighboring countries. In addition, it is necessary to expand submarine power, a high value power asset in preparation for establishment of submarine headquarters in 2015, develop anti-submarine helicopter and load SLAM-ER missile onto P-3C patrol aircraft. In case of maine corps, division class military force should be able to conduct landing operations. It takes more than 10 years to construct a new warship. Accordingly, it is necessary to establish plans for naval power construction carefully in consideration of reality and future. For the naval forces to safeguard maritime sovereignty and contribute to national security, the acquisition of a huge budget and buildup of military power is required. In this regard, enhancement of naval power can be achieved only through national, political and military understanding and agreement. It is necessary to let the nation know that modern naval forces with improved weapon system can serve as comprehensive armed forces to secure the command of the sea, perform defense of territory and territorial sky and attack the enemy's strategic facilities and budget inputted in the naval forces is the essential source for early end of the war and minimization of damage to the people. If the naval power construction is not realized, we can be faced with a national disgrace of usurpation of national sovereignty of 100 years ago. Accordingly, the strengthening of naval forces must be realized.

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중국 해양관련 법령의 발전과 입법체계에서의 지위 및 해석 (Development of Chinese Maritime Related Laws and Status and Interpretation in Legislation System)

  • 양희철;이문숙;박성욱;강량
    • Ocean and Polar Research
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    • 제30권4호
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    • pp.427-444
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    • 2008
  • The most important bases of maritime laws in China are laws enacted by Constitution, a legislative institution of National People's Congress and Legislation of NPC Standing Committee. However, in reality, the institution, which become the basis of Chinese marine policy and leads overall maritime affairs, is a State Council of the Chinese central government and many objects of our researches on Chinese marine policy and laws are composed centering on this administration law. Therefore, in understanding Chinese maritime laws, it becomes an important prerequisite to understand relevant laws (statutes), administration law, statutes of local province, mutual authority relationships of these legislative institutions, and interpretation authority regarding laws (statutes). In May 2003, Chinese State Council ratified and declared ${\ll}$Guideline of the national maritime economic development plan${\gg}$ and this is the first macroinstructive document enacted by the Chinese government for promoting maritime economy in integration development. This plan guideline shows very well a new policy and deployment direction of maritime policy in China. China is already striving to lead its maintenance stage of domestic legislation into a new stage under the UN maritime laws agreement system and this is an expression of intention to take national policy regarding the ocean as a new milestone for the national economy through concurrent developments in various fields such as national territory, economy, science technology, national defense, and maritime biology. In this point, Chinese maritime policy and maritime legislation provide lots of indexes of lessons in many parts. In particular, regarding Korea, which has to solve many issues with China in Yellow Sea, East China Sea, and Balhae, we have to realize that we can maximize national interest only with a systematic approach to research on changes of domestic policies and maritime legislation within China. In addition, in understanding Chinese maritime related laws, we have to realize it is an important task to not only understand legislative subjects for mutual creation of order within the entire frame of law orders of China but also to predict and react to direction of policy of Chinese domestic legislation through dynamics of these subjects.

두만강 하구 녹둔도의 위치 비정에 관한 연구 (Geographical Study on the Location of Nokdun-do in Lower Tuman River)

  • 이옥희
    • 대한지리학회지
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    • 제39권3호
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    • pp.344-359
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    • 2004
  • 본 연구는 과거 우리 선조들의 거주지였으나 현재는 러시아의 실효적 지배 하에 있는 녹둔도의 실체를 확인하기 위한 지리적 연구이다. 연구방법은 각종 역사자료의 해석과 지도 분석, 위성영상분석(Landsat 7 영상)과 그 분석 결과를 기초로 한 현장답사를 병행하였다. 기록에 의하면 조선조까지 녹둔도는 두만강 하구에 있는 섬으로 북방방어의 전초기지였으며 경흥지방의 주민들이 개척한 경작지가 넓어 선조 때 일시 둔전도 설치되었던 우리의 영토였다. 조선 후기 러시아로의 연육과 북경조약으로 인해 부당하게 러시아 영토로 귀속되었지만. 스탈린에 의한 강제이주가 있기까지 녹둔도 일대는 여전히 우리 선조들의 삶의 터전이었고 실질적인 우리의 영역이었다. 지금은 두만강의 범람과 퇴적작용으로 하구의 지형이 크게 바뀌어 녹둔도 본래의 모습을 알 수 없으나, 고기록을 근거로 한 현장탐구 결과, 논밭의 이랑, 집터, 연자방아 등 우리 선조들의 자취를 확인할 수 있었다. 특히 조선 초기에 구축된 토축(토성)으로 추정되는 구조물을 확인함으로써 초기 녹둔도의 정확한 위치를 가늠해 볼 수 있을 것이다.

지형정보 기반 조난자 행동예측을 위한 마코프 의사결정과정 모형 (MDP(Markov Decision Process) Model for Prediction of Survivor Behavior based on Topographic Information)

  • 손진호;김수환
    • 지능정보연구
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    • 제29권2호
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    • pp.101-114
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    • 2023
  • 유사시 종심 깊숙한 곳에서 적을 타격하는 임무를 수행하는 항공기의 경우 격추될 위험에 항시 노출되어 있다. 현대전의 핵심 전투력으로써 최첨단의 무기체계를 운용하는 공중근무 요원은 양성하는데 많은 시간과 노력, 국가 예산이 소요되며 그들이 가진 작전 능력과 군사기밀이 매우 중요하기에 공중근무 요원의 생환은 매우 중요한 문제이다. 따라서, 본 연구에서는 적지에서 비상탈출한 조난자가 장애물을 피해 목표지점까지 도피·탈출을 시행할 경로를 예측하는 경로 문제를 연구하였으며 이를 통해 비상탈출한 조난자의 무사 생환 가능성을 높이고자 하였다. 본 연구 주제와 관련된 기존 연구들은 경로 문제를 네트워크 기반 문제로 접근하여 TSP, VRP, Dijkstra 알고리즘 등으로 문제를 변형하여 최적화 기법으로 접근한 연구가 있었다. 본 연구에서는 동적 환경을 모델링 하기에 적합한 MDP(마코프 의사결정과정)를 적용하여 연구하였다. 또한 GIS를 이용하여 지형정보 데이터를 추출하여 활용함으로써 모형의 객관성을 높였으며, MDP의 보상구조를 설계하는 과정에서 기존 연구 대비 모형이 좀 더 현실성을 가질 수 있도록 보다 상세히 지형정보를 반영하였다. 본 연구에서는 조난자가 지형적 이점을 최대한 이용함과 동시에 최단거리로 이동할 수 있는 경로를 도출하기 위하여 가치 반복법 알고리즘, 결정론적 방법론을 사용하였으며 실제 지형정보와 조난자가 도피·탈출 과정에서 만날 수 있는 장애요소들을 추가하여 모형의 현실성을 더하고자 하였다. 이를 통해 조난자가 조난 상황에서 어떠한 경로를 통해 도피·탈출을 수행할지 예측해 볼 수 있었다. 본 연구에서 제시한 모형은 보상구조의 재설계를 통해 여러 가지 다양한 작전 상황에 응용이 가능하며 실제 상황에서 조난자의 도피·탈출 경로를 예측하고 전투 탐색구조 작전을 진행시키는 데 있어 다양한 요소가 반영된 과학적인 기법에 근거한 의사결정 지원이 가능할 것이다.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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탐라십경과 탐라순력도를 통해 본 제주 승경의 전통 (A Study on the Traditionary Famous Scenaries of Jeju-island through T'amna-Sipkyung and T'amna-Sullyokto)

  • 노재현;신병철;한상엽
    • 한국조경학회지
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    • 제37권3호
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    • pp.91-104
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    • 2009
  • "탐라십경도"와 "탐라순력도"에 표현된 경관내용과 그 의미를 파악하여 현재 제주의 대표적 전통경관으로 인식되고 있는 영주십이경과의 관령성 및 변천과정을 밝힘으로써 제주 승경의 정체성과 전통을 조명하고자 한 본 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 제주 집경(集景)의 시원이 되는 탐라십경 중 백록담과 영실은 제주 신화 형성의 장(場)이자 상징체이며 해안에 포진된 조천진, 서귀진, 명월진은 강역 사수의 요충이로서 역사문화성을 함축한다. 그리고 성산 일출봉과 산방산, 취병담, 천제연폭포는 자금도 대표적인 제주 경승이자 영주십이경으로 자리잡고 있다. 한편, 탐라순력도에서 보이는 제주마를 비롯 감귤 진상과 관련된 5장의 봉진 그림 속에 담겨진 '방어'와 '조정 진상'은 정치적 색채가 강한 제주 풍물경관이다. 특히 '고원방고'나 '귤림풍악'에서 볼 수 있는 바와 같이 '감귤림을 배경으로 한 풍류'나 '산장구마'나 '교래대협' 등에서 볼 수 있는 '방목된 제주마와 수렵생활' 등은 제주 고유의 풍물상으로 꾸준히 전승되었다. 탐라십경과 직접적으로 관련 있는 영주십이경은 이형상목사의 순력회랑에서 벗어난 백록담과 영곡을 배제한다면 '성산일출'의 성산, '백록만설'의 백록담, '영실기암'의 영곡, '산방굴사'의 산방, '용연야범'의 취병담 그리고 '서진노성'의 서귀소 등 총 6개 경승이다. 그밖에 탐라순력도의 '우도점마'와 '산장구마' 등을 통해 영주십이경의 제 10경인 '고수목마'의 경관이미지가 고스란히 표현되고 있다. 또한, 탐라십경의 10개 경승은 순력회랑에서 배제된 백록담과 영곡을 배제하고는 모두 탐라순력도에 직간접적으로 집중 조명되고 있다. 탐라십경과 탐라순력도에서 공히 강조되고 있는 공간 및 장소 그리고 경물은 제주의 위정자 등 선인들에 의해 꾸준히 전승되는 가운데 첨삭과정(添削過程)을 거쳐 오늘의 영주십이경으로 정착된 것으로 보인다. 따라서 영주십이경은 제주의 아름다운 경관에 대한 탐구와 향토애에 대한 시적 표현을 빌려 오랜 절차탁마(切磋琢磨)의 과정 속에서 이루어진 유산경관이자 전통경관이 아닐 수 없다.

중국의 한국 서해 내해화 전략 분석 (Chinese Maritime Dispute Strategy for territorialization in Korea's West Sea)

  • 이은수;신진
    • 해양안보
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    • 제5권1호
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    • pp.113-136
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    • 2022
  • 본 논문은 중국의 서해 내해화 전략을 분석하여 해양에 종사하거나, 해양 정책을 연구하는 이들에게 시사점을 제공하기 위해 작성하였다. 이를 위해 최근 서해에서 이루어지고 있는 중국의 해상활동을 아더 라이케가 제시한 전략 구성요소인 목표(Ends), 방법(Ways) 및 수단(Means)의 세 가지 기준으로 분석하였다. 연구 결과, 중국은 서해 내해화라는 목표를 달성하기 위해 국가 차원에서 제 요소를 복합적으로 활용한다는 결과를 도출할 수 있었다. 중국은 ① 정전 상태에 있는 한반도의 특수한 안보 환경을 이용하여 북방한계선(NLL, Northern Limit Line) 인근에서 자국 어선들의 불법조업을 의도적으로 방조하여 서해를 영해로 기정사실화하며, ② 자국의 국가안보에 대한 위협을 이유로 서해상 한・미 연합훈련을 거부하는 한편, 동 해역 내 군사훈련을 확대하고 군용기를 한국방공식별구역 인근으로 상시 진입하게 하여 군사적 능력을 과시하고, ③ 과학탐구를 빙자하여 서해에 각종 시설을 확대 설치하고 있다. 필자가 본 연구를 통해 강조하고 싶은 것은 '서해에서 자행되는 일부 중국의 활동은 한국의 주권을 심각하게 침해하는 행위이며, 한국은 서해에서 국민의 자유로운 해양 활동과 안전을 보장하기 위해 한미 연합전력 중심의 비례적 대응을 해야 한다는 것'이다.

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