• Title/Summary/Keyword: System of Tang

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Identification of a Novel Human Zinc Finger Gene, ZNF438, with Transcription Inhibition Activity

  • Zhong, Zhaomin;Wan, Bo;Qiu, Yun;Ni, Jun;Tang, Wenwen;Chen, Xinya;Yang, Yun;Shen, Suqin;Wang, Ying;Bai, Meirong;Lang, Qingyu;Yu, Long
    • BMB Reports
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    • v.40 no.4
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    • pp.517-524
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    • 2007
  • There were many different families of zinc finger proteins that contained multiple cysteine and/or histidine residues and used zinc to stabilize their folds. The classical C2H2 zinc finger proteins were the founding members of this superfamily and were among the most abundant proteins in eukaryotic genomes. C2H2 proteins typically contained several C2H2 fingers that made tandem contacts along the DNA. Here we reported a novel C2H2 type zinc finger gene, ZNF438, which encoded 828 amino acids that formed five zinc finger domains. Bioinformatics analysis revealed that the ZNF438 was mapped to human chromosome 10p11.2 and shared 62% identity with rat and mouse homologues. RT-PCR analysis indicated that it was ubiquitously expressed in 18 human adult tissues. With immunofluorescence assay, it was shown that the exogenous Flag-tagged ZNF438 was located in nucleus of COS-7 cells. To further explore the function of ZNF438, we examined the transcriptional activity of ZNF438 protein by transfecting recombinant pM-ZNF438 into mammalian cells. The subsequent analysis based on the duel luciferase assay system showed that ZNF438 was a transcriptional repressor.

Analysis of Articles Published in the Korean Journal of Oriental Medical Prescription (대한한의학방제학회지에 게재된 논문 동향 분석)

  • Kim, An-Na;Song, Mi-Young;Bae, Sun-Hee;Kim, Chul;Kim, Ha-Young;Kim, Young-Sik;Park, Kyoung-Bum;Kim, Hong-Jun
    • Herbal Formula Science
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    • v.18 no.1
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    • pp.57-77
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    • 2010
  • Objective : This study reviews the recent trend of oriental medical prescription research. The data examined are the articles published in the Korean Journal of Oriental Medical Prescription from 1990 to 2009. Method : The data are retrieved through the internet database Oriental Medicine Advanced Searching Integrated System (OASIS) and the collection of the Korean Journal of Oriental Medical Prescription. The number of articles examined is 385, published in 25 volumes of the journal. This study examines the nature of the articles, research methods, subjects, and author information. Research subjects are sorted out by the OASIS key words for the articles published before 1999, and by key word indexes cited in the abstracts for the articles published sinceafter. Results : Among the 385 articles collected, 206 are research articles, 143 philological articles, 35 case studies, and 1 special contribution. A majority of research articles are experimental studies (199 articles or 96.6%), while clinical reports (5 articles or 2.43%), and others studies (2 articles) occupy a small portion. Most of experimental studies (183 articles or 91%) examine the effectiveness of certain prescriptions or treatments. Among the effectiveness studies, 114 articles (62.3%) employ in vivo experiment design, 52 articles (28.42%) in vitro experiments, and 17 articles (9.29%) both in vivo and in vitro experiments. In terms of research subject, the most frequently indexed key words are hepatotoxicity among diseases (9 articles), Bojungikgitang (Bu-Zhong-Yi-Qi-Tang) among prescriptions (10 articles), Buja (Acontii Tuber) among meteria medica (4 articles), immunity and anti-oxidation among efficacy terminology (6 articles each), and Donguibogam(東醫寶鑑) among references in the key words (25 articles). Universities are the main affiliation of authors (76.42%), followed by university hospitals (6.71%), non-academic research institutes (5.55%), local clinics (4.67), academic research institutes (2.81%), hospitals (2.38%), and others (1.44%). The most affiliated institute of the first and correspondent authors is Wonkwang University. In terms of authorship, co-authorship outnumbers sole-authorship by 82.08% to 17.92%. The proportion of authors of a single article is 63.54% which is near the author productivity distribution described by Lotka's law.

GG Tauri A: gas properties and dynamics from the cavity to the outer disk

  • Nguyen, Thi Phuong;Dutrey, Anne;Pham, Ngoc Diep;Chapillon, Edwige;Guilloteau, Stephane;Lee, Chang Won;Di Folco, Emmanuel;Majumdar, Liton;Bary, Jeff;Beck, Tracy L.;Coutens, Audrey;Denis-Alpizar, Otoniel;Melisse, Jean-Paul;Pietu, Vincent;Stoecklin, Thierry;Tang, Yei-Wen
    • The Bulletin of The Korean Astronomical Society
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    • v.46 no.2
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    • pp.38.2-39
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    • 2021
  • I will presents the analysis of the gas properties of the protoplanetary disk surrounding the young low-mass (about 1.2Msun) triple star, GG Tau A. This work makes use of ALMA observations of rotational lines of CO (12CO, 13CO and C18O) together NOEMA observations of a few dozens of other molecules. While the CO emission gives information on the molecular layer close to the disk atmosphere, its less abundant isotopologues 13CO and C18O bring information much deeper in the molecular layer. I will present the analysis of the morphology and kinematics of the gas disk using the CO isotopologues. A radiative transfer model of the ring in CO isotopologues will also be presented. The subtraction of this model from the original data reveals the weak emission of the molecular gas lying inside the cavity. Thus, I am able to evaluate the properties of the gas inside the cavity, such as the gas dynamics, excitation conditions, and the amount of mass in the cavity. High angular resolution observations of CO reveals sprials induced by embedded planet(s) located near the 3:2:1 mean-motion resonance that help to explain the special morphology of the circumbinary disk. I also discuss some chemical properties of the GG Tau A disk. I report the first detection of H2S and C2S in a protoplanetary disk. The molecule abundance relative to 13CO of about twenties other molecules will also be given. In GG Tau A, the detections of rare molecules such as H2S and C2S have been probably possible because the disk is more massive (a factor about 3-5) than other disks where the molecules was searched. Such a large disk mass makes the system suitable to detect rare molecules and to study cold-chemistry in protoplanetary disks.

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The Effect of Korean Medicine Treatment on Cerebral Infarction with Hemiplegia: A Case Report (아급성기 뇌경색 환자의 좌측 편마비에 대한 한의 치료 1례)

  • Oh, Ju-hyun;Sung, Jae-yeon;Seo, Hye-jin;Lee, Yu-ra;Song, Jin-young;Kong, Geon-sik;Kang, Man-ho;Lee, Hyung-chul;Eom, Guk-hyeon;Song, Woo-sub
    • The Journal of Internal Korean Medicine
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    • v.40 no.5
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    • pp.990-998
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    • 2019
  • Introduction: Stroke refers to a sudden brain disease that results in disorders in the anatomy of the brain. The cause is a sudden circulatory disorder of the cerebrovascular system that creates a consciousness disorder and hemiplegia. Despite aggressive treatment after the onset, stroke is a social problem because the patient has difficulty in recovering from sequelae that can include limb movement disorders, language disorders, and emotional disorders. In this study, we describe the effect of traditional Korean medicine treatment on the sequelae in a subacute cerebral infarction patient admitted to a Korean medical hospital. Case presentation: A 67-year-old male patient was diagnosed with cerebral infarction circa 2005, and his condition had not improved. Around March 15, 2018, he experienced the sudden onset of a cerebral infarction in his daily life. This was confirmed by a brain MRI, and he was hospitalized at other hospitals, but he showed no improvement. We conducted a manual muscle test (MMT) to evaluate the patient's exercise and strength. His gait level was measured to evaluate his degree of walking. He was treated with Bojungikgi-tang and acupuncture twice a day. After 34 days of inpatient treatment, the patient's exercise strength improved from Grade 2+~Grade 3 to Grade 3+ determined by the MMT, and his walking ability improved from Gait Level 3 to Gait Level 4. Conclusion: The findings of this study indicate that acupuncture and herbal medicine treatment can help treat patients with hemiplegia due to cerebral infarction.

Consideration for Historical Application of Augen Gneiss and Petrographic Characteristics for Rock Properties of Donghachong Tomb from Royal Tombs of Neungsanri in Buyeo, Korea (부여 능산리고분군 동하총 석재의 암석기재적 특성과 안구상편마암의 역사적 활용성 고찰)

  • Park, Jun Hyoung;Lee, Gyu Hye;Lee, Chan Hee
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.52 no.1
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    • pp.91-106
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    • 2019
  • The Donghachong tomb from Royal Tombs at Neungsanri is composed of 15 sides including the floor, and the most highly proportion of rock, two-mica granite, are used on the 7 sides (46.6%). Also, augen gneiss consist with another 3 sides (20.0%), and each of the remaining 3 sides (6.7%) are made up of granodiorite, gneissous granite and leucocratic granite, all of which were used to comprise the tabural stone. Meanwhile, the two floors of the burial chamber and the front chamber, are made up of brick-shaped amphibole schist (13.3%). These rocks are occurred in the Buyeo area and their provenance sites are located at the side of Guemgang river. The Memorial Stone for Liu Renyuen in Tang China is a typical augen gneiss showing distinct schistosity and augen texture. This rock has the same petrographic characteristics with the rocks used to build the Donghachong tomb, Sanjikri dolmens and Setapri pagoda in Buyeo. This augen gneiss is distributed from the Jeungsanri in Buyeo to Dukjiri in Gongju as a large scaled rock body, and where currently are the quarries to produce stone aggregates, garden and landscape rocks. Thus, it is highly probable that the site around Buyeo was the source area of augen gneisses since the Bronze Age. However, while augen gneiss is easier to form into shapes it should have disadvantages when it comes to painting on the tomb wall because of their petrographic characteristics of low strength and dark color. Therefore, it is very intriguing to investigate which transportation method the people of Baekje chose with consideration of the distance and terrain, efficiency and convenience.

Network Analysis Using the Established Database (K-herb Network) on Herbal Medicines Used in Clinical Research on Heart Failure (심부전의 한약 임상연구에 활용된 한약재에 대한 기구축 DB(K-HERB NETWORK)를 활용한 네트워크 분석)

  • Subin Park;Ye-ji Kim;Gi-Sang Bae;Cheol-Hyun Kim;Inae Youn;Jungtae Leem;Hongmin Chu
    • The Journal of Internal Korean Medicine
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    • v.44 no.3
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    • pp.313-353
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    • 2023
  • Objectives: Heart failure is a chronic disease with increasing prevalence rates despite advancements in medical technology. Korean medicine utilizes herbal prescriptions to treat heart failure, but little is known about the specific herbal medicines comprising the network of herbal prescriptions for heart failure. This study proposes a novel methodology that can efficiently develop prescriptions and facilitate experimental research on heart failure by utilizing existing databases. Methods: Herbal medicine prescriptions for heart failure were identified through a PubMed search and compiled into a Google Sheet database. NetMiner 4 was used for network analysis, and the individual networks were classified according to the herbal medicine classification system to identify trends. K-HERB NETWORK was utilized to derive related prescriptions. Results: Network analysis of heart failure prescriptions and herbal medicines using NetMiner 4 produced 16 individual networks. Uhwangcheongsim-won (牛黃淸心元), Gamiondam-tang (加味溫膽湯), Bangpungtongseong-san (防風通聖散), and Bunsimgi-eum (分心氣飮) were identified as prescriptions with high similarity in the entire network. A total of 16 individual networks utilized K-HERB NETWORK to present prescriptions that were most similar to existing prescriptions. The results provide 1) an indication of existing prescriptions with potential for use to treat heart failure and 2) a basis for developing new prescriptions for heart failure treatment. Conclusion: The proposed methodology presents an efficient approach to developing new heart failure prescriptions and facilitating experimental research. This study highlights the potential of network pharmacology methodology and its possible applications in other diseases. Further studies on network pharmacology methodology are recommended.

A Study on the Theoretical System of Huashu - Centered on the relationship with Tao, Empty, Variation - (담초 『화서』의 이론 체계에 관한 연구 - 도, 허, 형의 관계를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Seung-mo
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.137
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    • pp.357-381
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    • 2016
  • ${\ll}$Hua shu${\gg}$ is one of the Taoist scriptures written by Tan qiao, a taoist in the late Tang dynasty. The logical structure of his scriptures is very complicated, and its content is profound though it has few pages. To understand ${\ll}$Hua shu${\gg}$ precisely the key words which appear in the Taoism scriptures have been examined. The most important words are: 'Tao', 'Emptiness', 'Shape', and 'Variation'. Tan qiao tried to explain nature, human, and society changes by using these key words, and also asserted that humans can affect their change; we slow our aging, more or less; we prevent our society from its decay and make it stable, more or less. Tan qiao asserted the autonomous feature of humans in ${\ll}$Hua shu${\gg}$ which shows how man manages his own life rather than being stuck in his destiny. This goes the same for society. "One's destiny is not fixed but changeable through his efforts". In Taoism, humans are not beings who have no chance to make change other than living their given destinies but are autonomous. This is again what the Taoist Tan qiao wanted to make clear.

The Theory of Chen tuan's Internal Alchemy and Intermixture of Taoism, Buddhism and Neo-Confucianism (진단의 내단이론과 삼교회통론)

  • Kim, Kyeong-Soo
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.31
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    • pp.53-86
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    • 2011
  • Taoism exercised its influence and has made much progress apparently under the aegis of the Tang dynasty. But since the external alchemy, a traditional way of eternal life that they have pursued, met the limitation, they were placed in a situation where they needed to seek a new discipline. From this period to the early North Song dynasty, three religions have established the unique theoretical systems of their own theory of ascetic practices. They showed their own unique formats as follows. Neo-Confucianism established the theory of moral training, Buddhism did the theory of ascetic practices and Taoism had theory of discipline. By this time, a person who claimed the Intermixture of Three Religions composed the new system of theory of ascetic practice by taking advantage of other religions and putting them into his own view. Chen tuan established the theory of internal alchemy of Taoism and was the most influential figure in the world of thought since North Song dynasty. He clearly declared that he accepted the merits of other religions in his theory. He added I Ching of Confucianism in I Ching of secret of Taoism to stop the logical gaps during the process of disciplines in Taoism and took ascetic practices on mind of Buddhism into his system while he sought a way to integrate the dual structure of body and mind. The theory of Chen tuan's internal alchemy was training schema with stages of 'YeonJeongHwaGi', 'YeonGiHwaSin', and 'YeonSinHwanHeo' based on the concepts of vital, energy and spirit. The internal alchemy practice that Chen tuan was saying started from the practice of Zen to keep the mind calm with the basis of fundamental principles of interpretation of book of change according to Taoism. When a person reached the state to be in concert with all changes at the end of the silence and be full of wisdoms, he finally returned to the state of BokGwiMuGeuk by taking the flow of subtle mind and transforming it into energy. He expressed this process by drawing 'MuGeukDo'. Oriental philosophy categorized human into 'phenomenal existence' and 'original existence'. The logic of theory of ascetic practice has been established from these 'category of existence'. It would be determined whether it will return to 'original existence' or be stepped up from 'phenomenal existence' according to how the concept of 'self' or 'I' was made. Chen tuan who established the theory of internal alchemy in Taoism has established the unique theory of internal alchemy discipline and system of intermixture of three religions in this aspect. Today is called 'era of self-loss' or 'era of incurable diseases' caused by environmental pollution. It's still meaningful to review the theory of discipline of Chen tuan's connecting the body and the soul to heal the self, and keep life healthy and pursue the new way of discipline based on it.

A Study on the Location Relationship between Ancient Royal Garden and Royal Capital in North-East Asia (동북아시아 고대 궁원과 왕도의 위치 관계에 대한 연구)

  • Jeon, Yong-Ho
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.4
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    • pp.1-14
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    • 2022
  • The ancient North-East Asian royal garden is divided into three types, located in the north inside the palace, in the north outside the palace, and in the south inside or outside the palace, depending on the location relationship between the royal capital and the royal palace. The first is a typical royal garden that follows the ancient Chinese court system of the Chao-hu-chim(前朝後寢). The second is a royal garden located independently of the royal palace, which extends to Geumwon(禁苑). The third is located in the south of royal palace and is the royal garden specialized in Yurak(遊樂) or Hyangyeon(饗宴). The types of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens are classified according to the relationship between main palace(正宮) and secondary palace(別宮), detached palace(離宮), and Geumwon(禁苑), and each has unique characteristics. The first has been established as the garden of the main palace, including the royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟), Han Chang'an capital(漢 長安城), BeiWei Luoyang capital(北魏 洛陽城), Jiankang capital in Southern Dynasties(南朝 建康城), and Daminggong(大明宮) in Tang Dynasty. Here, the royal garden is divided into Naewon(內苑) inside the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑), outside the royal palace. On the other hand, the second is the royal garden that the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑) are united. The third is the royal garden that forms part of the royal palace or is independent of the royal palace, and has been specialized as a secondary palace(別宮) and detached palace(離宮). China created the model of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens, and based on this, Baekje, Silla, and Japan of Korea influenced each other and developed a unique palace by showing their originality. The royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟) was influenced by royal gardens of Wei-Jin and Northern & Southern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝). And royal gardens of the Sabi Capital(泗沘都城) were influenced by royal gardens of Jin(秦), Han(漢), Sui(隋), and Tang(唐), and royal gardens of Silla(新羅) were influenced by the royal gardens of Baekje(百濟) and Silla. However, each of these royal gardens also has its own unique characteristics. From this aspect, it can be seen that the ancient North-East Asian court had different lineages depending on the region. Anhakgung Palace in Pyongyang(平壤 安鶴宮) is more likely to be viewed as the Three Kingdoms period than the Goryeo Dynasty. However, it is difficult to raise it to the 5th and 6th centuries due to the overlapping relationship and relics of the lower part of Anhakgung Palace(安鶴宮), and it is generally presumed to be the middle of the 7th century. The royal garden at Anhakgung Palace is a secondary palace(別宮) or detached palace(離宮) that corresponds to the palace of Jang-an capital(長安城) in Pyongyang and is believed to have influenced Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) and Donggung(東宮) and Wolji(月池) in Gyeongju. From this point of view, Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) seems to be related to the palaces of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. This study has many limitations as it focuses on its characteristics and transitions due to the location of the palace in the large framework of ancient North-East Asian royal capital. If these limitations are resolved little by little, it is expected that the understanding of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens will be much wider.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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