• 기호학연구
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• no.57
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• pp.27-57
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• 2018

This paper aims at (re)investigating the interrelationship between Communism and language in terms of historical experiences of Soviet Union in $20^{th}$ century. Critically reviewing Boris Groy's famous thesis about Soviet communism as the "kingdom of language", in which Soviet system is regarded as the result of "linguistic turn, executed in the dimension of social practice", i.e., as a state of "total linguistification of society", I will examine it in comparison with another very interesting view on the language system of communism(socialism): Alexie Yurchak's controversial thesis on "performative shift" in late socialism. Yurchak's unique view on Soviet socialism as a specific discourse system, thoroughly illuminating peculiar paradox of Soviet discourse system in the period of late socialism, in which performative repetition of authoritative ideological discourses does not prohibit, but rather enable the possibility of creative deviation from or unexpected reappropriation of them, could provide us with profound insights on the problematics around the collapse (the end) of "linguistic imperial" of Soviet Union.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.22
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• pp.7-27
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• 2011

This article is devoted to little-studied play of M.A. Bulgakov "Adam and Eve". By the end of 1920's - the beginning of 1930's soviet society is differentiated again, its construction is rebuilded. In the new condition drama is needed as much as possible. Drama on the stage is ideal model for instruction of "Mass". Thereupon soviet society asked "New Hero", "New play", which can rebuild soviet citizen in the new construction of government. Thereby the play of M.A. Bulgakov "Adam and Eve" is created by order of soviet society. In this play typical soviet people are represented: Adam Krasovsky(engineer), Daragan(pilot-terminator), Ponchik-Nepobeda(writer), Zahar Markizov(proletarian-baker). They are different from each other by their occupation and formation, but they have same consciousness and they think identically. Bulgakov makes stand such problems: impersonality and unfreedom of human being in the government of communism. Bulgakov, using Parody, doubt the possibility of realization of utopia of Soviet government. Bulgakov show to us that Adam Krasocsky is not real Adam-first human being. In the play we can see the real Adam is the scientist-intelligent Efrosimov. Bulgakov change the place of Ponchik with the place of Markizov. The idiot and the fool is recognized not Markisov-drinker, tyrant, but Ponchik-writer. After the disaster Markisov, reading a Bible, is changing and by the end of play he started writing his own novel. Indeed if Ponchik wrote hoked-up novel, Markisov writes a real own history. Request of Leningrad Theater for Bulgakov to write about the future war comes from the spirit of the time. But Bulgakov in this play "Adam and Eve" could insist that the "Life" is a supreme value.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.135-153
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• 2010

Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.37-53
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• 2023

This study aimed to analyze the commemoration characteristics of the national war memorials made by the United States, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics(the Soviet Union), and Germany that participated in World War II(WW II). The results of the study are summarized as follows. First, the creation of the WW II memorials of the United States, the Soviet Union, and Germany aimed to commemorate the dead and victims. By country, the United States promoted unity and victory with representing the just and great cause for freedom, and the communist Soviet Union emphasized the Great Patriotic War that defeated fascist Nazi Germany. On the other hand, Germany, which had difficulty in national commemoration, cherish the victims of the war and aimed for peace. Second, WW II memorials were located in places of national significance such as national representative places and battlefields, and in Germany they were built in church cemeteries and public cemeteries. In addition, it showed concise and moderate aesthetic characteristics with a symmetrical and formal form centered on the axis of space in memorials. Third, the United States and the Soviet Union commonly visualized the appearance of war on the memorial wall. By country, the United States engraved sacrifice and dedication for freedom, and differently the Soviet Union and East Germany engraved messages promoting communist ideology as memorial texts. As for landscape details and sculpture, the United States emphasized national unity through eagles symbolizing the country and a colonnade representing each state and territory, and the Soviet Union set up a communist-style soldier sculpture. The United States and the Soviet Union, both countries used sculptures and laurels that symbolize victory, but in Germany, the statues of a fallen soldiers were installed in the memorial. Politically, the United States commemorated the victory of the war and also promoted unity, and the Soviet Union emphasized the Great Patriotic War and promoted communism. As the United States, the Soviet Union, and the Germans believed in Christianity universally, Christian symbols such as the crucifixion, the church, and the statue of Evita were often used. Further study will be required to establish national identity at memorials and advanced commemorative culture in Korea.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.87-121
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• 2016

Daehoon Ham's novel 'Cheongchunbo' features a studier as the main character who majored in Russian literature and admired the culture of the Soviet Union. From his viewpoint, the novel reproduces North Korean society before and after its independence from Japan. In this regard, it shows multilayered presence related to Russian culture and Soviet Russia. Such an aspect is based on the sense of sympathy that the main character has. The sense of sympathy is originated from the main character's admiration for the exoticism of Soviet culture which was forbidden during the late Japanese occupation. After Korea's independence from Japan, Russian was replaced by English. Such change also occurred in the main character's viewpoint. He underwent a change in his integrative viewpoint on Russian and Soviet under the name of Red Army. After defecting to South Korea, he began to put Russia down as a den possessed by the devil called 'communism.' In the meantime, Russia and Soviet have been separated from each other in ideological terms. The novel 'Cheongchunbo' stresses that the decisive cause of such changes is argued over trusteeship. The main character, fascinated by the presence of exotic Soviet, predicates that Soviet is a political symbol around the national division caused by the trusteeship. His change alluded to the life path of Korean authors who translated Russian literature after independence. During the Japanese occupation, Russian literature translated into Korea was a longing for forbiddance and admiration for Russia. However, the Russia presented in Daehoon Ham's novel before and after independence implies that the romantic translation has ended.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.277-296
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• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.53
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• pp.61-107
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• 2017

It has been seventy-two years since the Korean Peninsular was divided into South and North Korea. When Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule in August 1945, the South and North established a capitalist system and a socialist system (communism) respectively, intensifying the ideological conflict and confrontation. The division of Korea was not confined to political and economical aspects, but extended to legal system, making it difficult to find legislative homogeneity in the two. The long-term situation of the divided nation results in a social phenomenon accompanied by legal division. For instance, shortly after its liberation from Japan's colonial rule, North Korea responded quickly to secure legal stability to govern the northern part while the Soviet army troops were stationed in it. Based on Marx and Engels' historical materialism, the North drove a change in its ideological superstructure by repealing the privatization of land property which was the means of production and finally enforced land nationalization, in common with other socialist states including the former Soviet Union. The North's land reform made under the guise of fulfilling national independence and doing away with anti-seigneurial and anti-feudalistic relations, has led to a wide difference in the systems between the South and Korea. This paper focuses on the legal systems of South and North Korea and is aimed at exploring the legal characteristics and environment of the North which became secluded from the world while engaging in socialist experiments for the past seventy two years against capitalism. Ongoing studies of legal system integration will be briefly discussed. The legal status of South and North Korea as a political entity will be investigated to overcome legal system division; and the characteristics of South-North relationship in legal terms and the limitations of the North's legal system will be also examined. Moreover, the directions for integrating legal systems and the plan for resolving legal system division will be suggested.