• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.354-372
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• 2020

This study analyzed how North Korean defectors recognized and overcame conflict in the South Korean job culture during the course of entering and settling into South Korea, and the association between their old career and adaptation within their new careers. The study selected 13 employed participants who entered South Korea more than five years ago and experienced working. Interviews were conducted over the course of five years. The topics were analyzed after performing interviews 60 to 120 minutes long by recording and transcribing the recordings and using semi-structured questionnaires for the 13 people. The results reflected the job environment in North Korea, their career background, factors for a successful new life, their constant efforts for employment, the difficult adaption to South Korean life, pursuing job stability, accepting South Korean culture, and career compromises. The results of this study are as follows. First, they undergo difficulty in the course of selecting jobs due to the converted environment from passivity to autonomy. Second, they cannot use their previous job history and they complained about prejudice and the lack of job information. Third, major problems included their lack of adaptability, stress, and loss of economic power. The study suggests that these North Korean defectors undergo an integrated course of cultural learning. Fourth, they were hardly able to adapt. Fifth, they tried to overcome conflicts of job culture according to their personal characteristics.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.185-201
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• 2012

The purpose of the present study was to investigate the structural relationships between adolescent problem behaviors and related variables. The subjects of this study consisted of 250 to second graders from a middle school in S city in the Gyeongbuk province of South Korea. The sample variance-covariance matrix was analyzed using AMOS 20.0, and a maximum likelihood minimization function. The results were as follows : First, marital conflict in terms of the father's open communication model indicated both a direct and indirect effect upon adolescent problem behaviors. Marital conflict in terms of the father's problematic communication model revealed an indirect effect upon adolescent problem behaviors also indicated that these behaviors were also mediated by the father's problems communication. Second, a open communication style on the part of the father indicated a partially mediating effect on the relationship between marital conflict and adolescent problem behaviors. The problematic communication model on the part of the father revealed a very clear mediating effect on the relationship between marital conflict and adolescent problem behaviors.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.61-83
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• 2020

From 1959 to 1984, over 93,000 Koreans moved to North Korea from Japan as part of a repatriation project conducted during this time. Among them were people who had escaped from North Korea and immigrated to Japan and South Korea as well as the descendants of such people. This research examines the immigration trajectories of North Korean defectors related to the repatriation project and its effects on international relations in East Asia in a migration systems context. Specifically, it focuses on 26 North Korean defectors who have connections with Japan and settled in Japan and South Korea. It argues that the migration pathways of North Korean defectors linked with the repatriation project have been constructed with the cooperation of and amidst conflict between East Asian countries. To respond to the situation, North Korean defectors used their connections with Japan in amicable relations between Japan and China. However, after the relations went sour, defectors turned to informal transitional networks. If these strategies were unavailable, the defectors faced difficulties, unless they received social or capital support from the destination countries. After entering the destination country, those who settled in Japan have experienced different situations due to the inconsistency in administrative proceedings, while those in South Korea have been treated equally as other defectors. In this sense, some defectors have faced precarious situations in their immigration.

• (The) Korean Journal of Educational Psychology
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.549-569
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between peer rejection and victimization among schoolchildren and to test whether conflict norms in the classroom moderated this relationship. The analysis used the third year data derived from ClassNet research (Park, et al., 2017) supported by the National Research Foundation of Korea. The sample comprised fourth-grade through sixth-grade students in 52 classrooms of 7 elementary schools in South Korea (N = 1194). A series of multi-level analyses were performed to fulfill the study's purpose using variables obtained by peer nomination, such as social rejection, victimization, bullying perpetration, and teacher-student conflict. The results found that boys experienced more victimization than girls and peer rejection significantly increased victimization. Furthermore, conflict norms in the classroom moderated the relationship between peer rejection and victimization. Peer rejection significantly increased the extent of victimization in classrooms with relatively high levels of conflict norms. The study concludes with a discussion on the significance of conflict norms and the educational implications of the results with a focus on ways that teachers can facilitate healthier classroom environments.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.118-141
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• 2019

In South Korea, as awareness of gender equality increased since the 1990s, policies for gender equality and social awareness of equality have been established. Until recently, however, the gap between men and women in social and economic activities has not reached the globally desired level and led to social conflict throughout the country. In this study, we analyze the content of online news comments to understand the public perception of gender equality and the details of gender conflict and to grasp the emergence and diffusion process of emerging issues on gender equality. We collected text data from the online news that included the word 'gender equality' posted from January 2012 to June 2017 and also collected comments on each selected news item. Through text mining and the temporal semantic network analysis, we tracked the changes in discourse on gender equality and conflict. Results revealed that gender conflicts are increasing in the online media, and the focus of conflict is shifting from 'position and role inequality' to 'opportunity inequality'.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.77-91
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to investigate if self-esteem mediates the effects of conflict with parents, peer relationship and school adaptation in relation to the satisfaction with life of adolescents in multicultural families. The subjects of the present study are 152 adolescents of multicultural families ranging from 12-16 years of age from the cities of Seoul, and Daegu, and the provinces of Gyeong-gi, and Gyeong-buk, South Korea. The measured constructs are Conflict with Parents, Friendship, School Adaption, Self- Esteem and Satisfaction with Life Scale. The dates were analyzed using path analysis. The major results of this study demonstrate that self-esteem does not mediate the effects of conflict with parents and peer relationship in relation to the satisfaction with life of adolescents in multicultural families. However, self-esteem does mediate the effects of school adaptation in relation to the satisfaction with life of adolescents in multicultural families.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.4
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• pp.351-379
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• 2006

Former ministers of national defense and foreign affairs, intellectuals such as former and incumbent professors, and various NGO groups are demanding the South Korean government to stop promoting independence in operational control which is currently held by the United States Armed Forces in Korea commander. Although the Korea should exercise operational control independently in the future, orientation on the direction which should be taken under consideration in promoting this transfer should be assumed. First of all, South Korea must sufficiently examine the criticisms and dissenting opinions, and reflect them in promoting independence in operational control. From now on, the South Korean government should reflect the opinions of experts in operational control, and must promote the transfer with national consensus. Unilateral enforcement of the transfer may cause serious errors and aggravate conflicts Second, ROKA's exercise of independence in operational control should take place only after gaining restraint on North Korea's attack against the South, and the issues on nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction(WMD) has been resolved, and a peace regime has been reached. Furthermore, exercise of independence in wartime operational control should be promoted only if there is a guarantee that international trust and the military collaboration will be restored to a level beyond the present state. Third, the USFK and the Korean-US alliance is providing South Korea with national security, not to mention tremendous diplomatical, and economical benefits However, if the alliance between the two countries become weakened due to the exercise of the independence in operational control, we might suffer a great deal of loss. Even though reasonable justification and external independence may be gained through promoting independence in operational control, it should be promoted in a longitudinal manner because national security problems and conflicts may be intensified, and there is no actual profit in doing so. Fourth, if the Korean-US alliance becomes weakened and therefore the United States decides to discuss eastern-asia strategies, North Korea deterrence strategies, and Japanese rearmament issues with other neighboring countries, South Korea may become diplomatically isolated and a subordinate to surrounding countries, destroying the independence we have now instead of restoring it Therefore searching for means to reinforce international trust and collaboration between South Korea and the United States, and leaving ROKA’s independence in operational control as a long term objective would be a more realistic method.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.9-24
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• 2015

Purpose of this study is to develop the proceeding strategies for establishing of the DMZ World Peace Park in Korea which is one of projects of the Park Geun-hye's Government. We basically dissolute the conflict between the South and North Korea, and we build the atmosphere reconciliations and cooperation between two Koreas, and go forward the peaceful unification. And thus we make ultimately the world peace and establish enduring peace in the Korean Peninsula. Through the analysis the 8 proceeding strategies. Results of this study, I verified possibility of proceeding for establishing of the DMZ World Peace Park, and urgent need of policy development and support by the local governments, and we need to start the project in the South first.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2021

This study aims to face common threats from the depletion of fish resources, the decline of production and employment as well as the increase of life risk in East Sea Rim countries, North Korea, South Korea, Japan and Russia due to the Chinese fishing fleets entering East Sea. The recent competition in fishing among fishing vessels and fleets of national origin operating in the East Sea has induced a significant change in the ecological landscape of the fishing fleets cluster while having influenced production and employment in the fishing industries of South Korea and Japan as well as life threat on the fishermen in North Korea. It seems that the population organizational ecological theory can be applied to this change. It can be seen as the isomorphism of the selection process over the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) to avoid the environment in which these North Korean fishing vessels are pushed against the Chinese fleet in the North Korean part of the East Sea. To resolve the fishery disputes or conflict in the common waters in East Sea, first of all, Chinese fishing fleets will be required to put international pressure so as to solve the unfairness of the illegal fishing and overfishing by the International Fishery Organization or the UN violations of the sanctions against North Korea selling fishing rights to China. Although it is not easy for South Korea to cooperate with North Korea in the short term, South Korea will be able to support the fishery infrastructure in North Korea in the mid- to the long-term to prevent the loss of innocent lives for their fishermen and to raise their incomes.