• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
• /
• no.15
• /
• pp.245-264
• /
• 2008

This study considers Huewa悔窩 Anjung-gwan安重觀's self-consciousness and the recognition of the world. Anjung-gwan resents that fact that Qing淸 rules over China. He insists that Chosun朝鮮 must remain faithful to Ming明. But Chosun served Qing in those days. He holds strongly to his belief until his death. So he chooses living in retirement in his life. In Anjung-gwan's poems, we can see that a certain circle of Chosun Confucianists believe in Sojunghwa小中華, which is small-Sinocentrism. In the first half of the eighteenth-century, some Chosun Confucianists feel sad about the situation that stops them from realizing their ideals. But they take pride in natural beauty and configuration of Chosun. And they pay attention to the life of Chosun masses. They recognize Chosun, which is Hwa華, has to keep self-respect to the last.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.21 no.2
• /
• pp.217-261
• /
• 2011

This study is an attempt to construct a basic framework of analysis about China's political and economic influence on Southeast Asia through traditional Sinocentrism, anti-colonial nationalism, Cold War socialism and post-Cold War capitalism. As to the historical status of Southeast Asia vis-a-vis external forces such as India, China and the West, the colonial discourse tends to put excessive emphasis upon its dependence, and the posy-colonial discourse upon its autonomy. However, this study elucidates the political and economic interactions between China and Southeast Asia in a dynamic perspective, focusing on their reciprocal interactions beyond the essentially static dichotomy of autonomy and dependence. Chinese influence on Southeast asia can be divided into active and reactive one, with the former referring to direct and intended consequences and the latter to indirect and unintended consequences. In the historical process of active and reactive influence, both China and Southeast Asia were fundamentally proactive actors. Thus, the autonomy or dependence of Southeast Asia is just a question of relative one, with its actual extent and degree varying with specific spatial and temporal conditions.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.27
• /
• pp.223-254
• /
• 2009

This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
• /
• v.39 no.1
• /
• pp.133-146
• /
• 2015

King and Crown Prince's Gwanbok (冠服) written in "Goryeosa" Yeobokji was the bestowment of robes and crowns by the Son of Heaven who yielded hegemony over East Asia. It designated the King and Crown Prince of Goryeo as real and authentic as well as confirmed the political status of Goryeo in East Asia. In "Goryeosa" Yeobokji, the King's Gwanbok is of higher stature than the adornments of the King's ritual robes (祭服) and court robes (朝服) which held a domestic political significance. In East Asia, bestowment of voiture (車) and robe (服) usually appeared in the multistate system. In the $10^{th}$ century, the Later Jin (後晋) spread the idea of investiture and bestowment to Khitan (契丹). The Liao (遼) or Khitan and the Jin (金), the Conquest Dynasties, endeavored to establish the legitimacy of the Son of Heaven by imitating Sinocentrism by means of investiture and bestowment. In the reign of XingZong (興宗) and DaoZong (道宗) of Liao, the ritual of investiture and bestowment for Goryeo was in the making, adding titles and bestowments in the occasion of the elevation of Emperor Liao's honorific title. King Munjong (文宗) of Goryeo reached 9-bestowment which symbolized the first of the feudal lords in East Asia. This exceptional respect for Goryeo went on to Jin's investiture and bestowment. From then, 9-bestowment was defined as an international decorum (禮) toward Goryeo. This historical study of Gwanbok (冠服) of "Goryeosa", indicates: First, the King's Ceremonial Robe with Nine-symbol Design were designated from the early to middle of the Goryeo Dynasty by investiture and bestowment from the Conquest Dynasties. Second, the bestowed King's Robe and Crown had simultaneous functions for domestic order and international order. Goryeo did not follow ideological Sinocentrism but followed practical interest by accepting Confucian Li (禮) philosophy passed on through the Conquest Dynasties.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
• /
• v.5 no.2
• /
• pp.101-118
• /
• 2002

This study focuses on the ideas that Chok-Du-Ri(족두리)ㆍHwa-Gwan(화관) are mentioned a substitute preventing abuses of luxury mood by Gache(가채) as the sharpest social problem at that time. First, the origin of Chok-Du-Ri(족두리) was introduced from Ko-Ko-Gwan(고고관) of Mongo(몽고) in Korea dynasty, then was linked to Chosun. That is, Ko-Ko(고고) started from headgear reflecting spiritual view of the northen people, its size was getting smaller passing through Ming(명) dynasty, its essential decoration changed and it carried out Jeon-Ja(전자) remaining decoration nature by real accessories, then it might be descended to Chosun. Second, Hwa-Gwan(화관) is very different from Nanaec(난액) of Chosun Dynasty Records, rather Jeonia, the original form of Chok-Du-Ri, is more similar to it. Third, its decoration like color, jewel, pattern etc influenced wishes of this life like sex, prosperity, glory, longevity, blessing, wealth and fame. Fourth, Chok-Du-Ri(족두리) was restored a substitute for Gache(가채), it was accessory for preventing luxury life, besides it was modeled from headgear in China, Chosun people had it. It is worthwhile as it was based on Chosun Sinocentrism(조선중화주의) in the latter period of Chosun and made it the fruit of that age. Moreover, in those days Qing(청) society accepted the advanced culture and institutional profit of Qing(청) actually, social mood is that home and overseas policy was corrected in many parts, Chok-Du-RiㆍHwa-Gwan were mentioned a substitute of Gache, symbol of luxury. It shows one part of Practical Thougth that abolishes vanity and affectation and makes useful profits in the latter period of Chosun.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.68
• /
• pp.69-97
• /
• 2017

In this paper, I tried to examine the aspects of overcoming the aftermath of war through literary works. As history is continuously being reinterpreted and reevaluated, historical figures are described differently and given new meanings especially in the field of literature. It is not only important to examine these interpretations from previous generations themselves; it is also important to analyze them from a modern day perspective and look closely at their meanings. This research, by focusing on the post Manchu's invasion period, I examined the contemporary discussion. Literary works which were written in the post Manchu's invasion had different meaning comparing to the other time. Scholars at that time wanted to use historical figures as an allegory of temporary national situation. And this social phenomena was deeply related to the temporary discourses such like wipe off a disgrace by taking revenge on Qing (boksu $s{\breve{o}}lch^{prime}I$, 復讐雪恥) or loyalty to the Ming dynasty ($taemy{\breve{o}}ng$ ${\breve{u}}iri$, 對明義理). So that this research takes genre, time period, and nationality as the main variables to interpret typical historical figures and study their aspects.

• Korean Journal of Communication Studies
• /
• v.25 no.5
• /
• pp.81-101
• /
• 2017

The purpose of this paper is two folds: Korean media contents, which has led the Korean Wave in China in 1990s will be reviewed, and the causes of the negative feelings of Korean Wave that have occurred among Chinese netizens will be factored out in order to suggest the solutions to this conflict situation. The reviews and comments on the China's major portal site, Tienya were analyzed by the key words that causes the conflict between China and Korea. Of the total 340,000 responses, politics, history and entertainment are categorized by the keywords, and the largest portion of the netizen's comments are found to be political issues with 34%, particularly the issues related to the THAAD. This means that the negative feeling toward the Korean Wave is more closely related to politics rather than the media contents. Therefore, in order to overcome the negative feelings in China and maintain the stable relationship with the two countries in the midst of the changing US-China situation, it is necessary to lead the media business with high quality contents along with the mutual understanding and cooperation of the media content producers. It is also necessary to try to approach Chinese market in a cooperative and stable way through co-production or joint venture with Chinese media. In consequence, the excellence of Korean cultural contents and the cultural ties with Chinese media market will be identified with in-depth understanding of Chinese nationalism, Sinocentrism and Chinese culture.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
• /
• v.18 no.3
• /
• pp.117-138
• /
• 2008

This study lies on building the International Standardization of China Arbitration System for improving a relationship of mutual trust and the safety trade between China and other worldwide countries, especially, South Korea as their one of the biggest trading partners through the comparative analysis of China and UNCITRAL Arbitration Law. In this analysis, the differences from China and UNCITRAL in arbitration law are like belows ; lack of arbitrator's international mind, the limitation of private property right, prohibition of Ad. hoc arbitration, arbitrator's biased nationalism, localism, and their short specialties. a deficiency of the objectiveness for arbitrator's election, a judgement rejection of claimants by using nonattendance and walkout, impossibility of prior and temporary property custody for execution of arbitration award. etc. For the improvement of the International Standardization of China Arbitration, this paper propose as follows: 1) Extension of private property right, reorganization of tax system, realization of open competition, exclusion of 'Sinocentrism', globalization of arbitration system 2) The abolition of old fashioned bureaucracy with approval for ad.hoc arbitration 3) An education for arbitrator's internationalization, specialty, and to promote legal knowledge 4) A settlement of the third country arbitrators' selection for reflecting interested party's decision by the court in a selection system of arbitration committee. 5) Institutionalization of arbitration judgment that prevent for claimant's avoidance by using a withdrawal and an intentional absent 6) A permission of the right of claimant's court custody directly before the begging of arbitration request for the prevention for destruction of evidence and property concealment 7) Grant of the arbitration tribunal's interim measures of protection for private property preservation to the third party, proof security, prevention from the loss that selling the corruptible goods 8) Improvement of arbitration's efficiency from the exclusion of the obstacles that are forgery, concealed evidence, and arbitrator's bribe taking Lastly, I hope that this study will serve to promote friendly economic relationship between China and South Korea and strive for international equilibrium through the achievement of China Arbitration's International Standardization. I will finish this paper with a firm belief that this will lead to more advanced studies.

• Philosophy of Education
• /
• no.60
• /
• pp.93-116
• /
• 2016

In this research we analyze Sun Wen's revolution education from the perspective of chinese nationalism. Sun Wen instigated the revolution of 1911 and established the first Chinese republican government; his "three people's principles" played an important role in modern Chinese politics. Sun Wen tried to remind the people and make them conscious of their sovereignty through education. Critical of then-the feudalistic education, Sun Wen incorporated Western-modern education in to his philosophy of education, which then provided theoretical framework of the Chinese revolution. At the core of it was the so-called "advanced education", based on Chinese nationalism, which encourages people to fight for independence as well as national prosperity and defense. The advanced education consisted of "proclaim education" and "constructive education". The proclaim education was a means of disseminating revolutionary ideas through an armed struggle against Ching dynasty; the goal was to encourage people to participate actively. Constructive education could be divided into two periods, namely the period of pre-republic of China and post-republic of China; the aim and process of education in the former period was to "wipe out" the Manchu people of the Qing dynasty while in the latter, to build a country predicated on Chinese nationalism, which was hostile towards the Qing dynasty and any other thoughts that do not accord with it. The main purpose of revolution education was to inspire Sinocentrism and to solidify the country of the Chinese people. Ultimately, Sun Wen's philosophy of revolution education provided foundation for the construction of a country of the Chinese people in which inspirational writing for the welfare of the people, loyalty to country, and public service are realized.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.50
• /
• pp.139-169
• /
• 2016

Nakron School of the ruling Noron Party in late Joseon Dynasty was at the helm of state with Neo-Confucian ideology and it came out of being obsessed with conventional 'spiritual' aspects and changed both political and academic atmosphere with interests in 'matters.' The power leading such a change was scholars in Seoksil Seowon (石室書院) which centered around Kim Won-Haeng (金元行). However, except for few progressive scholars-Bukhak scholars (北學論者), most of Nakron scholars secretly acknowledged the actuality of Qing Dynasty but they failed to get out of old Neo-Confucian traditions. It was difficult for them to accept Bukhak theory which jeopardized the existence of administration. They sought plans both to keep Neo-Confucian traditions and Sinocentrism in Joseon and to reach the cultural level of Qing Dynasty and in that process, they recognized restoration of the statecraft study (經世學) summarized on Seongridaejeon as an alternative. Hwang Yun-Seok is a representative Neo-Confucian scholar in such response of Nakron. He rediscovered value of the science of xiangshu in the Neo-Confucian category and highlighted importance of Seongridaejeon yet again.