• Title/Summary/Keyword: Self-controlled

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The Concentration and Input/Output of Nitrogen and Phosphorus in Paddy Fields (논에서의 질소 및 인의 농도와 유출입)

  • Shin, Dong-Seok;Kwun, Soon-Kuk
    • Korean Journal of Environmental Agriculture
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    • v.9 no.2
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    • pp.133-141
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    • 1990
  • For the purpose of evaluating nutrient loadings into rivers and lakes from agricultural land, especially from paddy fields and also nutrient degradation in drainage channels, the Total Kjeldahl Nitrogen(TKN) and the Total Phosphorus(TP) were investigated in 29.5 ha. paddy fields in Hwa-Sung, Kyong-Ki, Korea, during the period from May 8, 1989 to Sep. 27, 1989. The results of the study can be su㎜arized as follows : 1. Annual inputs into paddy fields were 180 N-kg/ha 46 P-kg/ha. by fertilization, and 15.0 TKN-kg/ha. 10.0 TP-kg/ha. by irrigation, 8.0 TKN-kg/ha. 0.34 TP-kg/ha. by rainfall respectively. The amount of nutrient involved in surface runoff from paddies was 39.0 TKN-kg/ha. 9.2 TP-kg/ha. and in seepage 7.5 TKN-kg/ha. 2.1 TP-kg/ha. respectively 2. In WS1 stream(reach length equals 950m), nutrients decreased 0.31 TKN-mg/L/km, 0.01 TP-mg/L/km and in WS2 stream (reach length equals 750m) which are more meandering and undulating than WS1, the nutrients decreased 0.84 TKN-mg/L/km, 0.11 TP-mg/L/km. From these results, it was concluded that low stream velocity due to meandering and undulation promotes more degradation of nutrient concentrations. 3. For the purpose of decreasing nutrient loads from paddy fields, the amount of fertilizer used needs to be controlled, irrigation weirs need to be constructed in the drainage channels to delay the transportation of nutrients by decelerating the stream velocity and plants such as plantain-lily need to be cultivated in the channel to consume nutrients and therefore enlarge chances of self-purification.

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Autopoietic Machinery and the Emergence of Third-Order Cybernetics (자기생산 기계 시스템과 3차 사이버네틱스의 등장)

  • Lee, Sungbum
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.52
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    • pp.277-312
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    • 2018
  • First-order cybernetics during the 1940s and 1950s aimed for control of an observed system, while second-order cybernetics during the mid-1970s aspired to address the mechanism of an observing system. The former pursues an objective, subjectless, approach to a system, whereas the latter prefers a subjective, personal approach to a system. Second-order observation must be noted since a human observer is a living system that has its unique cognition. Maturana and Varela place the autopoiesis of this biological system at the core of second-order cybernetics. They contend that an autpoietic system maintains, transforms and produces itself. Technoscientific recreation of biological autopoiesis opens up to a new step in cybernetics: what I describe as third-order cybernetics. The formation of technoscientific autopoiesis overlaps with the Fourth Industrial Revolution or what Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee call the Second Machine Age. It leads to a radical shift from human centrism to posthumanity whereby humanity is mechanized, and machinery is biologized. In two versions of the novel Demon Seed, American novelist Dean Koontz explores the significance of technoscientific autopoiesis. The 1973 version dramatizes two kinds of observers: the technophobic human observer and the technology-friendly machine observer Proteus. As the story concludes, the former dominates the latter with the result that an anthropocentric position still works. The 1997 version, however, reveals the victory of the techno-friendly narrator Proteus over the anthropocentric narrator. Losing his narrational position, the technophobic human narrator of the story disappears. In the 1997 version, Proteus becomes the subject of desire in luring divorcee Susan. He longs to flaunt his male egomaniac. His achievement of male identity is a sign of technological autopoiesis characteristic of third-order cybernetics. To display self-producing capabilities integral to the autonomy of machinery, Koontz's novel demonstrates that Proteus manipulates Susan's egg to produce a human-machine mixture. Koontz's demon child, problematically enough, implicates the future of eugenics in an era of technological autopoiesis. Proteus creates a crossbreed of humanity and machinery to engineer a perfect body and mind. He fixes incurable or intractable diseases through genetic modifications. Proteus transfers a vast amount of digital information to his offspring's brain, which enables the demon child to achieve state-of-the-art intelligence. His technological editing of human genes and consciousness leads to digital standardization through unanimous spread of the best qualities of humanity. He gathers distinguished human genes and mental status much like collecting luxury brands. Accordingly, Proteus's child-making project ultimately moves towards technologically-controlled eugenics. Pointedly, it disturbs the classical ideal of liberal humanism celebrating a human being as the master of his or her nature.

The Fiduciary Duties of Doctor in Clinical Trials (임상시험에서 의사의 선량한 관리자의 주의의무)

  • Lee, Jiyoun
    • The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.163-207
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    • 2020
  • Korea has been positioned as the leading country in the industry of clinical trials as the clinical trail of Korea has developed for the recent 10 years. Clinical trial has plays a significant role in the development of medicine and the increase of curability. However, it has inevitable risk as the purpose of the clinical trial is to prove the safety and effectiveness of new drugs. Therefore, the clinical trial should be controlled properly to protect the health of the subjects of clinical trial and to ensure that they exercise a right of self-determination. In this context, the fiduciary duties of doctors who conduct clinical trials is especially important. The Pharmaceutical Affairs Act and the relevant regulations define several duties of doctors who conduct clinical trials. In particular, the duty to protection of subjects and the duty to provide information constitute the main fiduciary duties to the subjects. Those are essentially similar to the fiduciary duties of doctors in usual treatment from the perspective of the values promoted by the law and the content of the law. Nonetheless, clinical trials put more emphasis on the duties to provide explanation than in usual treatment. Further research and study are required to establish the concrete standard for the duty of care. However, if the blind pursuit of higher standards for the duty of care or to pass the burden of proof to doctors may result in disrupting the development of clinical trials, limiting the accessibility of patients to new treatment and even violating the principle of sharing damage equally and properly. In addition to these duties, the laws of clinical trials define several duties of doctors. Any decision on whether the violation of the law constitutes the violation of the fiduciary duty and justifies the demand for compensation of damages should be based on whether relevant law aims to protect the safety and benefit of subjects, even if in an incidental way, the degree to which such violation breaches the values promoted by the law and the concrete of violation of benefit of law, the detailed acts of such violation. The legal interests of the subjects can be protected effectively by guaranteeing compliance with those duties and establishing judicial and administrative controls to ensure that the benefit of subjects are protected properly in individual cases.

STUDIES ON THE DIMORPHISM AND FERTILITY OF PERSICARIA JAPONICA (MEISSNER) GROSS ET NAKAI (Persicaria Japonica (MISSNER) Gross et Nakai의 이형화와 수정력에 관한 연구)

  • HARN, Chang Yawl
    • Journal of Plant Biology
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.1-15
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    • 1960
  • HARN, Chang Yawl : Studies on the dimorphism and Fertility of Persicaria japonica (MEISSNER) Gross et Nakai. Kor Jour. Bot. 3(I) 1-15 1960 Numerous investigations, since the works of DARWIN, have been made regarding the heterostylous plants by JOST (1907), CORRENS (1924), LAIBACK (1924), LEWIS (1943), and many others. Studies on the heterostylous Polygomum, however, were not reported except for the buckwhent, Fagopyrum esculentum, which was investigated by SCHOCH-BODMER (1930), EAST (1934), FROLOVA & Co-Workers (1946), MORRIS (1947, 1951) TATEBE (1949, 1951, 1953), present author (1957), and others. It is because no heterostylous species, besides buckwheat, have been known to exist in the Polygonum family. The author, during his studies on both heterostylism and fertility of Polygonaceae, has found that the species, persicaria japonica (Meissner) Gross et Nakai, is not diecious as has been known in taxonomy, but in reality beterostylous both morphologically and physiologically. It was found that this plant, regarded by taxonomist, as a male plant setting no seed, actually set seed (botanical fruit) when legitimate combination was made. Since his brief report on the dimorphic phenomens of this plant in 1956, the author's further research on the manner of fertilization has revealed that this species is a peculiar type whose dimorphism has undergone extreme specialization structurally and physiologically, the short-styled individual behaving in nature as a male plant and the long-styled individual, as female, whereas in controllled pollination the plant shows highly differentiated typical dimorphism. When compared with the other dimorphous species of this family, F. esculentum and P. sentiosa. it has been clarified that these three species differ in the degree of differentiation of their dimorphism morphologically and physiologically. That is, P. japonica has developed such a high specialization as to mislead the taxonomists, while P. senticosa shows almost no noticeable difference between long- and shortstyled individuals retaining most of the inherent physiological character cmmon to the genus except for the fact that it has two forms of flowers. F. esculentum appears to have taken the intermediate position in every respect. The result obtained in the present experiment are summarized as follows: 1) P. japonica has two kinds of individuals, one long style-short stamened; the other, short style-long stamened. The floral structure of this plants shows typical characteristics of dimorphic heterostylism. The differentiation between the two forms of flower has proceeded so highly both in primary and secondary difference of flower structure that this may be regarded as the most specialized form of dimorphism. 2) The differences of floral structure between the long and short styled individuals are remarkable compared with the other dimorphic species of the family. 3) The stamens of long styled plants show the sign of deteriolation whereas those of the short styled flower are well-developed. 4) When legitimate combinations are made, both L- and S-styled individuals are fertilized well and set seed (fruit), while in the illegitimate combination no fertilization and seed setting occur. Physiologically this species exhibits the typical behavior of dimorphic plants. 5) The self-fertile character, so common in other species of the other non-heterostyle Polygonum family, has disappeared completely. 6) Under natural conditions, no or few seed setting is observed in short styled individuals that behave as if they were male plants. 7) In hand pollination, the combination of both $L{\times}S$ and $S{\times}L$ alike yield relatively good fertility and seed-formation, the behavior of short styled individuals in artificial pollination differing remarkably from that in nature. 8) Under controlled pollination, $L{\times}S$ combination sets far more seed than in the combination of $S{\times}L$. In the S-styled individuals, the fertilized flower has the tendency of its seed more readily falling off in every stage of seed development than in the L-styled individuals. 9) The behaviors of pollen tubes just parallels the results of fertility test. That is, in the illegitimate combination, L-selfed, $L{\times}L$, S-selfed, and $S{\times}S$, the growth of pollen tubes is checked in the style, while in legitimately combined $L{\times}S$ and $S{\times}L$, the pollen tubes grow well reaching the ovaries within 40-50 minutes after pollination. The response of short styled individuals, known as male plant among taxonomists, is identical, as far as behavior fo pollen tube growth and fertilization are concerned, to that of long styled individuals, the so-called female plant. 10) The pollen grains from the short-styled plants are complete and fertile, whereas 70% of those of L-styled are found to be abortive, i.e., empty contents. 11) The remaining 30% of pollen of L-plant shows varied degree of stainability when stained with iron-aceto-carmine......mostly light red, while the pollen grains of S-style individuals are dark brown indicating complete fertility and viability. 12) The abundance of sterile pollen in L-styled and the nature of seed-dropping which occurs in S-styled individuals appear to be the main causes why the short styled individuals bear no seed in nature. Under controlled legitimate union, $S{\times}L$, the careful and elaborate pollination would give the S-styoled flowers the opportunities to receive the fertile pollens, though few in number, from L-styled plant, thus enabling S-plant to bear seed. 13) This species is not dioecious as is regarded by taxonomists, but typical dimorphic plant which has so highly specialized in floral structures and funcitons that the long-styled plant behaves just like a female individual; and the short-styled, like a male.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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