• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.154-167
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• 2014

The results of this study conducted to identify the substance, regional characteristics or landscaping of Namwon Yonghogugok, which is the only valley of Jiri Mountain, based on Kim Samun's 'Yonghokugok-Gyeongseungannae(龍湖九曲景勝案內)', 'Yongseongji(龍城誌)' and position, meaning of letters carved and projection technique by ArcGIS10.0 on the rocks are as below. The feature landscapes of the canyon of Yonghogugok, which is an incised meander and one of the Eight beautiful scenery of Namwon, ponds, cliffs and rocks generated with metamorphic rocks and granites weathered by rapids torrents. As a result of measuring the GPS coordinates of the letters carved on the rocks, excluding the 3 Gok Hakseoam and the distances based on the origin and destination of the letters carved on the rocks using the API(Application Programming Interface) function of Daum map, the total distance of Yonghogugok was 3.5km and the average distance between the each Gok was 436.5m. It is assumed that Yonghogugok was designated by Sarim(士林) of the Kiho School(畿湖學派) related to Wondong Hyangyak(元洞鄕約) which is the main agent of Yonghojeongsa(龍湖精舍), the forerunner of Yonghoseowon(龍湖書院), between the late Joseon Dynasty and the early Japanese colonial era, in 1927. Its grounds are the existence of Yonghoyeongdang mentioned on 'Yonghojeongsilgi'(龍湖亭實記), records of 'Haeunyugo(荷隱遺稿)', 'Yonghopumje(龍湖品題)' of Bulshindang(佛神堂), 'Yonghojeongsadonggu Gapjachun(龍湖精舍洞口 甲子春)' letters carved on the rocks and 'Yonghogugok-Shipyeong(龍湖九曲十詠)' posted on Mokgandang of Yonghoseowon. Comprehensively considering the numerous poetry society lists carved on the stone wall of Punghodae(風乎臺), the Sixth Gok Yuseondae, its stone mortar, 'Bangjangjeildongcheon(方丈第一洞天)' of Bulshindang and Gyoryongdam(交龍潭), the Yonghoseokmun(龍湖石門) letters carved on the rocks, Yeogungseok adjacent to the First Gok and Fengshui facilities, centered on Yonghoseowon and Yonghojeong, Yonghogugok can be understood as a unique valley culture formed with the thoughts of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism and Fengshui. 'Yonghogugok-Gyeongseungannae' provides very useful information to understand the place name, called by locals and landscaping aspects of Yonghogugok in the late Joseon Dynasty. In addition, the meaning of "Nine dragons" and even though 12 chu(湫: pond) of Yonghogugok Yongchudong including Bulyeongchu, Guryongchu, Isuchu, Goieumchu and Daeyachu are mentioned on Yongseongji, a part of them cannot be confirmed now. Various place names and facilities relevant to Guryong adjacent to Yonghogugok are the core of the place identity. In addition, the accurate location identification and the delivery of the landscaping significance of the 12 ponds is expected to provide landscaping attractiveness of Yonghogugok and become very useful contents for landscaping storytelling and a keyword of storyboard.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.1-13
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• 2010

This research is the semantic study on the nature cognition and lyricism of pavilion builders as reflected in the pavilion tablets in the Damyang poetry culture area built during 16th century. The names of pavilions, pavilion writings and "poetry with given theme" were studied by actual site visits. The view on the nature and aesthetic awareness of the pavilion builders at the time were explored together with surrounding landscapes. Following conclusions were drawn. 1. Pavilion names borrowed phrases from the famous historical events left by the sages. Or, they took the compliment on the beautiful nature surrounding orthe academic achievement of pavilion owners as the theme, then elaborated them with thinking based on Sung Confucianism. 2. The writings of pavilion literature were the idealistic view on the nature. They think the nature and human as "object and ego are one, object and ego communicate each other, object and ego become one". 3. The nature in the 16th century was the "principle of birth-death-grow-wither" for the intellectuals. They thought that the nature is the ultimate place to return for the realization of life with self-respect. 4. The introduction of fairy land among literary activities in the pavilion was the symbolic means healing the frustrated ego. It was confirmed that they temporarily entrusted their depressed feelings by borrowing the fairy land, far from the reality. The pavilion was the space to escape from the reality and soothe the anger and discord in the reality. 5. The pavilion literature in the Damyang poetry culture area during 16th century sang their pleasure of enjoying the beautiful scenery in the rural area using their social status. The literary works also contained their agony due to the frustration of difficulty in the realization of ideal. When the intellectuals, who already mastered literature, history and philosophy, came down to rural area, built pavilions at the location with beautiful scenery, and spent time while composing poetry, it was an escape from the burden that they should take the social responsibility as the model intellectuals of the society. The pavilions in Damyang poetry-culture area during 16th century were the idealized conceptual world and the space of awareness reflecting the philosophy and thinking of the time.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.1092-1100
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• 2015

This thesis is a part of a case study conducted in order to understand the trends of the 16th~17th century Cheongju region bigwigs, and has examined the life and academic stream of Seogye Deuk-Yoon LEE (1553-1630) focused on the previous study, "The Great Family Genealogy of Ikjaegong of the Gyeongju LEE Family". Seogye Deuk-Yoon LEE learned from his father Seomgye Jam LEE, and GiSEO, Ji-Hwa PARK from an early age, and based the basic orientation of his studies on one's moral and religious self one's moral and religious self'. This is how he became to emphasize "Sohak" (an introductory book of Confucianism for children), and he made an effort to realize the world of Neo-Confucianism by distributing the 'YEO's Hyangyak(Lue-shih-hsiang-yueeh : autonomic regulations of the district areas)' published on "Sohak". Furthermore, he made great effort in education of the Cheongju by regarding it as his own mission to teach young scholars, continuing on the footsteps of his father. Considering this, Seogye was not only a Confucian scholar that devoted himself to 'Sugi(moral training of himself', but was also a practical scholar that committed his sense of social responsibility in ' teaching' and 'governing the people, who greatly affected the academic world of the regional bigwigs of the Cheongju during the 17th century. Furthermore, Deuk-Yoon LEE was a member of the 'Nangseongpalhyeon(eight wise men of the Cheongju region) together with his disciple Deok-soo LEE, who performed a core role in establishing the 'Gihohakpa(Capital and Chungcheong province School)' and 'Hoseosarim(forest of scholars in Chungcheong province)' of the Cheongju region. As a main figure in establishing the Sinhang Confucian academy, he prepared the socio-economic basis for the 'Gihohakpa' to take place in the Cheongju, and by academically associating with Sagye Jang-Seng Kim without regarding their conflicting parties, he became the bridge in allowing his disciple, Deok-Soo LEE to associate with the academic stream and the 'Gihohakpa'. Through such roles, he allowed the relatively easy establishment of the 'Gihohakpa' and 'Hoseosarim', which continued to Jang-Seng KIM and Si-Yeol SONG, in order to prepare the basis and establish the strength of its basis in the Cheongju region from the late 17th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.190-217
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• 2012

This research has studied the building awareness of Nu-Jeong that a view of nature and aesthetic consciousness to unite the nature are inherent by considering Nu-Jeong of scholars who left fame and wealth behind and retired to hermitage in the backwoods in the 16~18 Century. This is to clarify correlation with leaving nature as it is, namely, an ideal state that scholars at the time would enjoy, through landscape awareness accepted into Nu-Jeong literature. In addition, this research has tracked the ideologic flow that acts on space formation by clarifying Korean unique meanings inherent to Nu-Jeong's cultural landscape. As a suggestion for this, the interpretation through 'Pungsu location Nu-Jeong name's analysis Nu-Jeong literature analysis', etc. was tried, so its integrated conclusion is as follows. It is not a chance that scholars of Joseon have left numerous literature works singing the nature. They already had huge interest and knowledge on the nature, and achieved active poetic exchange by sublimating the praise of nature as literature. Nu-Jeong, which was a place of exchange like this, had cleanliness of the nature and ideological purity as an oppositional space on turbid political realities. The Nu-Jeong literature drew the nature into a literature space as it is, without doing abstraction or ideation on the nature. The owner of Nu-Jeong exclusively possessed such natural landscape in grim and independent postures, so it provided a clue of Nu-Jeong cultural landscape that this research aimed to discuss. Scholars who aimed to raise wide and large vigor filled in between the sky and earth got to convince that people are born from the nature, grow in the nature and finally return to the nature. What people are born from the nature and finally return to the nature is just consistent with Taoistic and Zhua-ngzi thoughts denying human work, and leaving nature as it is or nature itself remained intact which is an ideal state. The construction at the time is a vessel containing the spirit of the times of the era. This thesis has proved that the Nu-Jeong culture of scholars located on the central line of Korean landscape was the flower of Joseon's scholar culture by interpreting it semantically.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).