Food Components of Wild and Cultured Fresh Water Fishes (천연 및 양식산 담수어의 식품성분)
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- Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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- v.19 no.3
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- pp.195-211
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- 1986
The object of this study is to obtain fundamental data on cultured fishes produced in Korea to improve their food components. For this purpose, the food components of cultured fresh water fishes such as eel, Anguilla japonica, snakehead, Channa argus, and common carp, Cyprinus carpio, were investigated and compared with those of the wild ones. The results obtained are summarized as follows: 1. Common characteristics in the proximate composition were that wild fish was higher in crude protein content and lower in crude lipid content than those of cultured one. 2. Among the 9 kinds of minerals analyzed in all the samples, sodium, potassium, calcium and magnesium contents were absolutely predominant being more than
Background : Pulmonary aspergillomas usually arise from colonization and proliferation of Aspergillus in preexisting cavitary lung disease of any cause. About 15% of patients with tuberculous pulmonary cavities were found to have aspergilloma. We analyzed the clinical features and course of 91 patients with pulmonary aspergilloma. Method : During the ten-year period from June 1986 to May 1996, 91 patients whose condition was diagnosed as pulmonary aspergilloma at 4 university hospitals in Taegu city were reviewed. All patients fulfilled one of the following criteria : 1) histologic evidence of aspergilloma within abnormal air space in tissue sections, or 2) a positive Aspergillus serum precipitin test with the radiologic finding of a fungus ball. The histological diagno-sis was established in 81 patients(89.0%) and clinical diagnosis in 10 patients(11.0%). Results : 1) The age range was 22 to 65 years, with an average of 45 years. A male and female ratio was 1.7 : 1 (57 men and 34 women). 2) Hemoptysis was far the most frequent symptom(89%), followed by cough, dyspnea, weakness, weight loss, fever, chest pain. 3) In all but 14 cases(15.4%) there had been associated conditions. Pulmonary tuberculosis was far the most frequent underlying condition found(74.7%), followed by bronchiectasis (6.6%), cavitary neoplasm(2.2%), pulmonary sequestration(1.1%). 4) The involved area was usually in the upper lobes; the right upper lobe was involved in 39(42.9%), the left upper lobe in 31(34.1%), the left lower lobe in 13(14.3%), the right lower lobe in 7(7.7%), and the right middle lobe in 1(1.1%). 5) On standard chest roent geno gram the classic "bell-like" image of a fungus ball was found in 62.6% of the subjects. On CT scan, 88.1% of the subjects in which they were done. 6) The surgical therapy was undertaken in 76 patients, and medical therapy in 15 patients, including 4 patients with intracavitary instillation of amphotericin B. 7) The surgical modality was lobectomy in 55 patients(72.4%), segmentectomy in 16 patients(21.1%), pneumonectomy in 4 patients(5.3%), wedge resection in 1 patient(1.3%). The mortality rate was 3.9% (3 patients) ; 2 patients died of sepsis and 1 died of hemoptysis. The postoperative complications were encountered in 6 patients (7.9%), including each one patient with respiratory failure, bleeding, bronchopleural fistula, empyema, and vocal cord paralysis. 8) In the follow-up cases, each 2 patients of 71 patients with surgical treatment and 10 patients with medical treatment had recurrent hemoptysis. Conclusion : During follow-up of the chronic pulmonary disease with abnormal air space, if the standard chest roentgenograms are insufficient to detect a fungus ball, computed tomographic scan and serum precipitin test are likely to aid the diagnosis of patients with suspected pulmonary aspergilloma. A reasonable recommendation for management of a patient with aspergilloma would be to reserve surgical resection for those patients who have had severe, recurrent hemoptysis. And a well controlled cooperative study to the medical treatment such as intracavitary antifungal therapy is further needed.
Purpose: To investigate the effects of radiation dose-escalation on the treatment outcome, complications and the other prognostic variables for glioblastoma patients treated with 3D-conformal radiotherapy (3D-CRT). Materials and Methods: Between Jan 1997 and July 2002, a total of 75 patients with histologically proven diagnosis of glioblastoma were analyzed. The patients who had a Karnofsky Performance Score (KPS) of 60 or higher, and received at least 50 Gy of radiation to the tumor bed were eligible. All the patients were divided into two arms; Arm 1, the high-dose group was enrolled prospectively, and Arm 2, the low-dose group served as a retrospective control. Arm 1 patients received
SipWooDo (十牛圖: Painting of Ten Bulls), a Buddhist painting, is a kind of Zen Sect Buddhism painting, which is shown as a mural in many of main halls of Korean Buddhist temples. MokWooDo has been painted since Song Dynasty of China. It paints a cow, a metaphor of mind and a shepherd boy who controls the cow. It comes also with many other types of works such as poetry called GyeSong, HwaWoonSi and etc. That is, it appeared as a pan-cultural phenomenon beyond ideology and nation not limited to Chinese Buddhist ideology of an era. This study, therefore, selects MokWooDo chants that represent Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism to compare the writing purposes, mind discipline methods and ultimate goals of such chant literatures in order to integrate and comprehend the ideologies of such three schools in the ideologically cultural aspect, which was not fully dealt with in the existing studies. In particular, the study results are: First, the SipWooDo of Buddhist School is classified generally into Bo Myoung's MokWooDo and Kwak Ahm's SimWooDo (尋牛圖: Painting of Searching out a Bull). Zen Sect Buddhism goes toward nirvana through enlightenment. Both MokWooDo and SimWooDo of Buddhist School are the discipline method of JeomSu (漸修: Discipline by Steps). They were made for SuSimJeungDo (修心證道: Enlightenment of Truth by Mind Discipline), which appears different in HwaJe (畫題: Titles on Painting) and GyeSong (偈頌: Poetry Type of Buddhist Chant) between Zen Sect Buddhism and Doctrine Study Based Buddhism, which are different from each other in viewpoints. Second, Bo Myoung's MokWooDo introduces the discipline processes from MiMok (未牧: Before Tamed) to JinGongMyoYu (眞空妙有: True Vacancy is not Separately Existing) of SsangMin (雙泯: the Level where Only Core Image Appears with Every Other Thing Faded out) that lie on the method called BangHalGiYong (棒喝機用: a Way of Using Rod to Scold). On the other side, however, it puts its ultimate goal onto the way to overcome even such core image of SsangMin. Third, Kwak Ahm's SimWooDo shows the discipline processes of JeomSu from SimWoo (尋牛: Searching out a Bull) to IpJeonSuSu (入鄽垂手: Entering into a Place to Exhibit Tools). That is, it puts its ultimate goal onto HwaGwangDongJin (和光同塵: Harmonized with Others not Showing your own Wisdom) where you are going together with ordinary people by going up to the level of 'SangGuBori (上求菩提: Discipline to Go Up to Gain Truth) and HaHwaJungSaeng (下化衆生: Discipline to Go Down to Be with Ordinary People)' through SaGyoIpSeon (捨敎入禪: Entering into Zen Sect Buddhism after Completing a Certain Volume of Doctrine Study), which are working for leading the ordinary people of all to finding out their Buddhist Nature. Fourth, Shimiz Shunryu (清水春流)'s painting YuGaSipMaDo (儒家十馬圖: Painting of Ten Horses of Confucian School) borrowed Bo Myoung's MokWooDo. That is, it borrowed the terms and pictures of Buddhist School. However, it features 'WonBulIpYu (援佛入儒: Enlightenment of Buddhist Nature by Confucianism)', which is based on the process of becoming a greatly wise person through Confucian study to go back to the original good nature. From here, it puts its goal onto becoming a greatly wise person, GunJa who is completely harmonized with truth, through the study of HamYang (涵養: Mind Discipline by Widening Learning and Intelligence) that controls outside mind to make the mind peaceful. Its ultimate goal is in accord with "SangCheonJiJae, MuSeongMuChee (上天之載, 無聲無臭: Heaven Exists in the Sky Upward; It is Difficult to Get the Truth of Nature, which has neither sound nor smell)' words from Zhōngyōng. Fifth, WonMyeongNhoYin (圓明老人)'s painting SangSeungSuJinSamYo (上乘修真三要: Painting of Three Essential Things to Discipline toward Truth) borrowed Bo Myoung's MokWooDo while it consists of totally 13 sheets of picture to preach the painter's will and preference. That is, it features 'WonBulIpDo (援佛入道: Following Buddha to Enter into Truth)' to preach the painter's doctrine of Taoism by borrowing the pictures and poetry type chants of Buddhist School. Taoism aims to become a miraculously powerful Taoist hermit who never dies by Taoist healthcare methods. Therefore, Taoists take the mind discipline called BanHwanSimSeong (返還心性: Returning Back to Original Mind Nature), which makes Taoists go ultimately toward JaGeumSeon (紫金仙) that is the original origin by changing into a saint body that is newly conceived with the vital force of TaeGeuk abandoning the existing mind and body fully. This is a unique feature of Taoism, which puts its ultimate goal onto the way of BeopShinCheongJeong (法身淸淨: Pure and Clean Nature of Buddha) that is in accord with JiDoHoiHong (至道恢弘: Getting to Wide and Big Truth).
Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.
Experiment I: A field experiment was conducted in an attempt to find the effect of top-dressing at heading time in different levels of nitrogen application and of different positioned leaf blades formed by the treatment of leaf defoliation at heading time on the ripening and the yield of rice. The results obtained are as follows: 1. Average number of ears per hill and average number of grains per ear in different levels of nitrogen application were increased as the amount of nitrogen applied was increased. while the rate of ripened grains the yield of rough rice and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice were decreased respectively as the amount of nitrogen applied was increased. 2. The rate of ripened grains and the weight of 1.000 kernels of brown rice in different levels of nitrogen, top-dressing at heading time were larger than those in control and increased. The yield of rough rice although statistically significant differences were not recognized, were numerically increased. 3. The rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice, the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling in different treatments of leaf defoliation were remarkably decreased as the degree of leaf-defoliation became larger. 4. The rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice, the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling in different combinations of number of remained leaves positioned differently, formed the order of