• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.28
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• pp.103-131
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• 2017

As the establishment of self-identity is based on 'Relationships of Mutual Beneficence,' the formation of 'Relationships of Mutual Beneficence' is the only road to the security and confirmation of self-existence. But given that our ordinary life almost entirely consists of actions objectifying others, the formation of 'Relationships of Mutual Beneficence' is by no means easy. The formation of 'Relationships of Mutual Beneficence' should be based on morality, controlling self-desire, and not objectifying others. Philosophy based on a priori reasoning describes self-control over selfdesire as the domination of the body through a priori reasoning. But this practical philosophy cannot present a self-evidential internal motivation behind moral actions. Due to this, the application of moral order given by a priori reasoning in response to reality is likely to be reinterpreted on basis of self-interest. With regards to this, the 'propensity towards sympathy' is given as new moral norm. The 'propensity towards sympathy' as emotion is direct and consistent given that feeling occurs prior to thinking. The 'propensity towards sympathy' is intuitive in the sense that it is an instinctual response preceeding a reasoned judgment. The 'propensity towards sympathy,' as a natural moral emotion, is self-validating given that all human beings know it and practice it. But previous studies on the 'propensity towards sympathy' have an obvious limitation because they adopt phenomenological approaches to the 'propensity towards sympathy' which eschew the investigation of morality. Though they present the 'propensity towards sympathy' as a natural emotion based on body rather than reason, they do not philosophically explain the 'propensity towards sympathy.' Thus the 'propensity towards sympathy' as a natural moral emotion is likely to be interpreted as a subjective and relative moral norm. This paper philosophically explains that the 'propensity towards sympathy' is a universal moral norm on the basis of Merleau-Ponty's 'flesh.' 'Flesh' is formed as the entanglement between oneself and others and presents the 'propensity towards sympathy' as its philosophical basis. In other words, 'flesh' formed as the mixture or entanglement between oneself and others is the material foundation upon which one can activate the 'propensity towards sympathy.' This paper's approach to the 'propensity of sympathy' can be desribed as a phenomenological approach to the 'propensity towards sympathy' as a universal moral norm.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.269-305
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• 2020

Youngsan is generally known as Pansori Danga(短歌). However, the contents of 'Yeongsan' in 『Songnamjabji』 are different. In 『Songnamjabji』, Cho Jaesam explained the contents related to 'Youngsan' using three kinds of poems: Shin Kwangsoo's poem, Baegho Imje's poem, Kim Myeongwon's poem. First, 'Ujo Youngsan' appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem. Shin Kwangsoo wrote the (1750) when Yoo Jinhan's 『Manhwajib(晩華集)』(1754) was published. It is difficult to see the 'Ujo Youngsan', which appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem written in a time when Pansori was not widely known, as the Pansori Danga. Second, Jo Jaesam called the music in Baegho Imje's poem 'Youngsan Dodeueum'. In 'Youngsan Dodeueum', flute and 'Dodeuli rhythm' were used. This fact is connected with , an instrumental music. , also a Buddhist term, continued to be used in the palace as well as among the people. Third, Cho Jaesam introduced Kim Myeongwon's poem in 'Yeongsan' part and called it 'Taryeong.' At that time, the term 'Taryeong' referred to both Pansori and Jeongga(正歌). Later, in the 19th century, 'Youngsan' was recorded as a term for the Danga to loosen the neck before Pansori began in earnest. In other words, the early 'Yeongsan' recorded in 『Songnamjabji』 was a Buddhist term, referring to the music of the upper class Seonbi, such as , Gasa(歌詞) and Sijo(時調). In 1855, when 『Songnamjabji』 was written, 'Youngsan' was used as a term used to refer to both Changbu-Music and Gagaek(歌客)-Music, mixed with the term 'Taryeong'. And as Pansori became popular, the term 'Taryeong' came to be called 'Pansori' and 'Youngsan' was used to refer to Pansori Danga. Therefore, all the records of 'Youngsan' should not be interpreted as Pansori Danga. This situation is closely related to religious and social change. The policy of worshipping Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism rejected the term 'Youngsan' which had a Buddhist meaning. In the middle of Joseon Dynasty, when Buddhism was suppressed, 'Youngsan' and 'Taryeong' were mixed. As Buddhism regrown in the late Joseon Dynasty, with the advent of Pansori, the term 'Youngsan' seems to be newly resettled in the sense of Danga. Pansori appeared in the 19th century and 'Yeongsan' was used as a Danga. And the reason should be regarded as this social and religious change.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.121-143
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• 2021

The Aim of the this paper is to figure out impetus of the Naeseo Traditional Folk art Conservation Association. This Preservation Society derived from Hogaeri farmers' band. Through aging and hollowing out Hogaeri farmers' band got into a period of stagnation. In order to overcome slump villager and people of a township organized a conservation society in 1994. Members restored and directed folk song which from age to age for performance. are designated as cultural asset in 2017. Sutguldeong song is only song in inland area. This song are worthy of notice in . which is consist of various agricultural work songs experienced two changes. Rice-planting songs are characteristic. Especially, Executive playing a central role harden foundation of the Preservation Society. The mainspring of activity is the sense of responsibility. Preservation Society laying emphasis on recruiting new members. Preservation Society is planning to develop curriculum for Jurisdiction elementary and middle school students. This Preservation Society is made up of First generation members and Second generation members. First generation members who are born and bred in Hogaeri have been good friends both in joy and in sorrow Early days of Preservation Society. So, They has a strong family bond. In order to induce membership Members are practicing Nongak, popular folk songs, dancing program. Second generation members are not conversant with a folk song. Nonetheless They have a strong mind on a member line.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.77-106
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• 2021

The history of The Korean Buddhist music dates back to as early as the 2nd year of Goguryeo King Sosoorim's reign (372) when Buddhism was introduced to the land for the first time and should cover the entire development to this date, which spans over 1,600 years. The extensive scope of research is overwhelming and research efforts are limited at best. Against this backdrop, this study aims to examine how the historical development of The Korean Buddhist music has unfolded over such a long period of time and to understand how the Buddhist music is supposed to further develop in this land in and after the 21st century. Since the Three Kingdoms period, followed by Goryeo and Joseon Dynasty period, Japanese colonial period, and to this date, the history of the Buddhist music has unfolded in line with the 'ups and downs of the history of Buddhism'. The Buddhist music is characterized by various development paths based on historical peculiarities over different periods, including protection by the royal family during the Three Kingdoms period, aspect of Buddhist music during the Goryeo Dynasty period, policy to worship Confucianism and suppress Buddhism during the Joseon Dynasty period, harsh repression of Buddhism during the Japanese colonial period, and the present Buddhist music seeking new ways of proliferating Buddhism among the public, which requires an effort to understand the different characteristics of different periods by identifying key perspectives and tasks of Buddhist music in different periods. In this vein, this article includes not only the history of 'Beompae(Buddhist Chant)', a collective term for Buddhist music in a narrow sense but also all Buddhist music characterized by with Buddhism that is communicated in this land and extends its coverage even to Chanbulga(Buddhist hymn)讚佛歌 music created in and after the 20th century. It also examines the historical development of Buddhism related music in this land. Another task of this article is to understand the Myeongching-gagok 名稱歌曲 sung by monks in the early Joseon Dynasty period, music created for public mission work during the Joseon Dynasty period, the meaning of the existence of 'Hwacheong' 和請, and the traces of Buddhist music existing in the music of the Joseon Dynasty period.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.257-290
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• 2021

The Wonju Nongyo (agricultural work song) is geographically classified as eastern minyo (folk song) which has many distinctive, regional features such as tunes, forms and the use of a melodic line. There has been growing attention to the transmission value of the nongyo including the Wonju Eorirang of the Wonju Origol Nongyo and its region of origin. The Wonju Nongyo is of great value and worthy of preservation in the western part of Gangwon Province. For this reason, it seems fairer to say that a focus should be directed towards establishing the identity of the song and increasing the contextualisation of transmission. At the same time, the preservation association's efforts in passing the traditional song down and education activities fairly deserve equal attention. In addition to the way the folk songs are handed down, a discussion on the facilitation of their use will be required. An in-depth discussion about the restoration and use of the song will be encouraged in a multifaceted manner. Unfortunately, few of the previous literatures on nongyo has gone so far as to investigate Arirang as a separate research topic. In fact, the Wonju Origol Nongyo should be viewed as an intangible cultural asset that paved the way for performance artistry of the Korean agricultural work songs to be seen at a national folk art festival. From the perspective of regional characteristics (traditionally termed "tori"), the Wonju Eorirang represents the cultural value of the manners and customs of our locals which constitute unwritten and neglected literary property and musicality of the song. Particularly, a more attention should be paid to making a record of woodcutters and diversity of farmers' small cooperative groups. The existence of the Wonju Eorirang indicates that the melodies to which the song are sung in Nongyo are of infinite variety. A minyo-singer unfolds various journeys of life through various modes and structure of epic chants, ranging from first encounter, love to marriage, realistic problems to relationship with husband's family and death. The epic chant of the Wonju Origol Nongyo contains a rich variety of regional sentiments about life. In particular, the epic chants of the Galtteukgisor and Ssoeltteukgisori are a genius example of sexual satire and a sense of humor. In the past, the agricultural work songs were rhythmic songs served to synchronize physical movements in groups, coordinating tasks in upland farming and rice paddy with the usage of catchy, repetitive verses easy to pass down. The Wonju Origol Nongyo is a precursor of the work songs which took the farming activities a notch higher to be part of the excitement and festivals. In the context of transmission, a festival serves to demonstrate the value of history and life. The value of the Wonju Eorirang should be appreciated and a concerted effort should be made to find a way to facilitate the transmission of the folk song. A folk-singer is a traditional oral poet and a storyteller of minyo and the forms and species of melody solely depend on the signer. The combination of performance and witticism is shown by the singer freely expressing himself. The Origol Nongyo symbolizes ethnic arts cleverly combining playful effects such as tune, rhythm and old agricultural work of the region. It is to be hoped that much of the efforts is directed to designating such folk songs as the archetype of a cultural heritage. In terms of the foundation on which the folk songs are transmitted, the usage(Performance Content) of a community would be an alternative.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.10-20
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• 2023

Zhū Xī, the representative of Confucianism, and Báiyùchán, the representative of Taoism in the South Song Dynasty, showed different sense of appreciation and enjoyment on the same space that was Mountain Wǔyí in their ideologically cultural ways. Based on the temples Wŭyíjīngshè(武夷精舍) where Zhū Xī stayed and Zhĭzhĭān(止止庵) where Báiyùchán resided, this study revealed their lives in such temples to look into their appreciation on ideology and space. Then, based on the words 'YiBoEumYeong [移步吟詠]' shown on the poetry they chanted in relation with Wǔyíjiǔqū from its 1^st valley to its 9^th valley, this study examines their understanding of scenery and system of appreciation that appeared in dynamic ways to conclude: First, even same scenery shows different understanding of scenery and appreciation of space in accordance with the viewers' thinking ways of culture. Second, as the Confucianism and Taoism influenced in ideologically cultural ways to develop each other in the Song dynasty, they absorbed their merits each other to supplement shortcomings in their own. In this process, they made it clear that their own propositions were different between them in their essential meanings although they used common terms for such propositions. Third, as the Confucian master who compiled the Neo-Confucianism of the South Song dynasty, Zhū Xī regarded Wŭyíjīngshè and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a place of learning and a place of seeking the truth to go for 'being unified with nature' so that everyday life can be united with Tao of Li [理] everywhere beyond the limited appreciation of the scenery. That is, this thought works for 'recovery of nature of our own [復其性]', the learning goal of Confucianism, and is aimed to 'cultivate the essential nature of our own(性情涵養)' through such beautiful nature. Fourth, as the master of Keumdan family of the South Song Taoism, Báiyùchán regarded Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a Taoist temple that has a long history rooting from Taesangwon temple, a clean place of discipline to become a Taoist hermit through hard training. He, therefore, directly referred to Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū in relation with the Taoist legends remaining in Wǔyíjiǔqū such as hermits' dinners, female hermits, leaving the human world as a hermit and so on as ways for becoming a hermit so that he went for the level of perfectly going out of human world and becoming a hermit. He, therefore, defined Mountain Wǔyí as a world and universe of hermits where he himself too hovered between outside and inside of poetry literature as a hermit through the mood and attitude of keeping himself enjoying the scenery as a hermit.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.349-392
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• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.55-85
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• 2019

In this article, we examine the real meaning behind the stories in which the N-po Generation (Millennial Generation) is depicted, through the observation of entertainment programs, TV series, and movies. This could be an opportunity to investigate the aspects of emotional customs of our era, which have been described by television media as portraying the complex and multifaceted reality in the most mundane and popular manner while influencing the public. Problems with youth unemployment, the polarization of life, and instability are not only global issues but situations that specifically occur in South Korea. It is thus vital to pay attention to the inner side of the N-po Generation who enjoy Sohwakhaeng (small but certain happiness) by eating alone as the placebo effect of this tough reality. This is an agenda that should be viewed as a problem in the fundamental design of South Korean society. The consciousness of the problem shown in the TV series has been drawing attention. The TV series Because depicts a love narrative that concentrates on emotions in a relationship that started between housemates due to poverty and housing problems, leading to marriage. Thus, the TV series persuasively dramatized 'confluent love' in the N-po Generation. In the movie , Miso can be regarded as a symbol that represents the emergence of a new generation of cultural sensitivity. There is a suggestion in the sequence of that identifies the pursuit of taste with the discovery of identity. The TV series is a growth narrative that deals heavily with youth unemployment, temporary workers, fragmented families, and dating violence. The housemates in find emotional stability through interaction with each other, and courageously approach their individual problems. In the process, images of women, who are empathetic towards others and are willing to jointly solve their problems, are calmly depicted to reveal a story of growth revolving around a ground emotional community. The current problem that South Korean society should contemplate is how to be fully human beyond mere survival, and how to further seek the conditions of human existence. In that sense, what we should pursue is a notion of 'publicness', which can put several generations together. Because of the reality that confliction between generations must be triggered, in order to make a passage of sympathizing, mass media's sensitivity training becomes more important. This may be the duty of mass media.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.303-345
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• 2019

This article analyzes the multi-layered communication in the Webtoon Princess Pari, released on the Daum portal site, created (written and illustrated) by Kim Naim, through analyzing the narrative structure and comments with the qualitative / quantitative methodology. The webtoon Princess Pari is structured in an omnibus style in which unit narratives are intermittently articulated, multi-lined, and interconnected. As integrated narratives which link with unitary narratives, Pari's growth story as a shaman and a romance narrative are structured. The classical original story of the shaman was used as a prehistory corresponding to the prequel of the webtoon through a preview, and the writer restructured the narrative to overcome the contradictions of the gender asymmetry and the patriarchal ideology of the original text. The viewer then creates a conversational space by giving critical and reflective comments. According to a statistical analysis conducted through sampling, the types of comments can be classified as follows: Appreciation and criticism of the contents ≫ Emotional response ≫ Intuitive overall review ≫ Knowledge and reflection ≫ Comments on comments. In the process of creation and acceptance of the Webtoon, a multi-layered dialogue between classical and modern, content and audience, acceptance and creation has been at play. In the creation dimension, the writer used a device to fill the gap of mythical symbols of the contents. At the level of the audience, they formed a culture of sharing information, knowledge, and reflection about tradition/folk/culture through comments. This corresponds to classical and modern dialogue through the webtoon. The viewers form a sympathetic bond, attempt hermeneutical coordination, supplement the information, and search for a balanced angle through controversial conversation. In addition, by commenting on attitudes, views, and perspective, the commentators showed a behavioral pattern corresponding to meta-criticism in literature. The viewers' comments acted as feedback on the creation of the webtoons, so that the creation and acceptance itself influenced the production of the content of the webtoon. The webtoon Princess Pari, which was based on Korean classical narrative, has been reorganized onto 'moving and dynamic' content, which leads to sense, thinking, criticism and reflection through the formation of various dialogues.