• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.297-325
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• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.249-279
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the 'strategy' of Sunzi's art of war and verifies the modern application value of it by combining the 'strategy' of the art of war with modern enterprise management. The army adopts 'war strategy' with the aim of minimizing the loss and sacrifice caused by the war and winning in the shortest time. Enterprise aims to maximize profits at the lowest cost and adopt 'business strategy'. Three factors of art of war's strategic, the 'power', 'adaptation', 'trickery', are similar to the 'internal resources analysis', 'external environment analysis' and 'information management' of the modern enterprise's management. In the process of establishing strategic plan, the art of war emphasizes 'strategy of winning' including 'prophet', 'estimates' and 'maneuvering', in the modern enterprise management, 'prophet' is shown as 'competitor analysis' of the '3C analysis' and 'benchmarking learning'. 'Estimates' is shown as 'SWOT analysis' and '4P's analysis'. 'Maneuvering' is shown as 'market positioning strategy' and 'market preemption strategy'. In the stage of implementing the strategy, 'surprise attack strategy', 'strategy of void and actuality' and 'dividing and integrating strategy' of the art of war are shown as follows in modern enterprises ; 'Surprise attack strategy' is shown as 'differentiation strategy' and 'concentration strategy', 'Strategy of void and actuality' is shown as 'information management' and 'rational market positioning strategy'. 'Dividing and integrating strategy' is shown 'diversification strategy', 'concentration strategy', 'change management', 'basic competition strategy', 'synergy effect' and etc. In terms of strategic results, the 'victory of war' of the art or war is shown as 'competitive advantage' and 'maximization of profits' in modern enterprise management strategy. In a word, although there are different names and expressions between the strategy of Sunzi's art of war and modern enterprise, but their connotation is the same. We can see that the art of war which was written in about B.C.500, has left a high utilization value for modern enterprise in rapid environmental change and intense competition.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.257-301
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• 2018

The purpose of the study is to examine righteous army activity and combat in Hapcheon during the Imjin invasion period. The resulting conclusions are as follows. First, Chung In-hong raised a righteous army in Hapcheon and Kim Myeon raised an army in Goryeong. Chung In-hong commanded the army and fought against Japanese army with a leadership of knowing the enemy and himself, and Kim Myeon commanded the army and fought against Japanese military with a leadership of harmony. Second, battles of Chung In-hong's righteous army are the first Mugye battle, the ambush battle in Sawon-dong, the Chogye Majin battle, the Aneon battle, and the third Seongju Castle battle. Battles of Kim Myeon's righteous army are the Yeongang battle, the Gaesanpo battle, the second Mugye battle, the Ucheok-hyeon battle, the Jirye battle, and the Sarangam battle. Battles that Chung In-hong and Kim Myeon united and fought are the first and second Seongju Castle battles. In Jeongyu Jaeran, Chung In-hong played a role of Jodosa who takes charge of provisions in the right area of Gyeongsang. In addition, Hapcheon was the access road and transport route where Japanese army entered Jeolla-do. Third, participation and role of Ming troops are part of restraint device against Japanese army with military tactics of ii chei(using foreigners to control foreigners) to remove Japanese army from Joseon and defend Yodong. After a victory of Li Rusong in Pyeongyang Castle in January, 1593(the 26th year of Seongjo), Ming troops pursued practical interest through peace talks rather than active battles. When there was practically Siege of Jinju, Yujeong troops of Ming entered with hand-to-hand martial arts of Sacheon soldiers in late June, 1593, but did not participate because they should wait for orders of Gyeongnyak Song Eung-chang and Admiral Li Rusong. Fourth, in the Imjin invasion period, Joseon suffered terrible damage such as ruin of the whole country by invasion of Japanese army and in need of aid of military rice from Ming troops, but righteous armies and the royal forces in each area cooperated so defeated Japanese army. It is understood through a case of Hapcheon in the right area of Gyeongsang. Especially, Joseon did not succumb to pressure of Ming troops that used full powers to two aspects such as settlement and battle with Japan during the war, and did not lose national confidence and pride by showing a fighting will to fight against Japanese army to the end with independence. Such a spiritual culture originated from homeland protection and loyalty to the king, and is national spirit of resistance that sublimates the united mind and spirit of community to protect a country against foreign invasion.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.115-146
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• 2017

This paper is about the research on ontology design for a digital archive of seonsaengan(先生案) of the Joseon Period. Seonsaengan is the register of staff officials at each government office, along with their personal information and records of their transfer from one office to another, in addition to their DOBs, family clan, etc. A total of 176 types of registers are known to be kept at libraries and museums in the country. This paper intends to engage in the ontology design of 47 cases of such registers preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS) with a focus on their content and structure including the names of the relevant government offices and posts assumed by the officials, etc. The work for the ontology design was done with a focus on the officials, the offices they belong to, and records about their transfers kept in the registers. The ontology design categorized relevant resources into classes according to the attributes common to the individuals. Each individual has defined a semantic postposition word that can explicitly express the relationship with other individuals. As for the classes, they were divided into eight categories, i.e. registers, figures, offices, official posts, state examination, records, and concepts. For design of relationships and attributes, terms and phrases such as Dublin Core, Europeana Data Mode, CIDOC-CRM, data model for database of those who passed the exam in the past, which are already designed and used, were referred to. Where terms and phrases designed in existing data models are used, the work used Namespace of the relevant data model. The writer defined the relationships where necessary. The designed ontology shows an exemplary implementation of the Myeongneung seonsaengan(明陵先生案). The work gave consideration to expected effects of information entered when a single registered is expanded to plural registers, along with ways to use it. The ontology design is not one made based on the review of all of the 176 registers. The model needs to be improved each time relevant information is obtained. The aim of such efforts is the systematic arrangement of information contained in the registers. It should be remembered that information arranged in this manner may be rearranged with the aid of databases or archives existing currently or to be built in the future. It is expected that the pieces of information entered through the ontology design will be used as data showing how government offices were operated and what their personnel system was like, along with politics, economy, society, and culture of the Joseon Period, in linkage with databases already established.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

This paper examines the persuasive style(論說類) proses of Myeonggog(明谷) Choi, seokjeong(崔錫鼎, 1646~1715). He is a disciple of Namguman(南九萬) and Parksechae(朴世采), and is a man who played an active part by political soron(少論) leader in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. It is also a central figure that links the genealogy of the late Joseon Dynasty, which leads to Namguman(南九萬)-Choiseokjeong(崔錫鼎)-Chotaeeok(趙泰億). He wrote total 14 persuasive style prose. The time of creation is from around 1671 until the end of life. In this paper, the preoses to be analyzed are Sunukron(荀彧論), Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) and Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨). The reverse idea that reverses the existing discussion is outstanding, and the work which is unique in composition is Sunukron(荀彧論). Bujadaegaron(夫子待賈論) is a work that uses the ryubi(類比) to increase persuasiveness and converts the existing perspective. Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) is a work that attempted to harmonize in the formality of vocabulary, sentence and composition while showing the logical perfection to dismiss the counter-argument's prerequisite. For example, Muneongyebyeon(文言系辭辨) consists of a total of five paragraphs in aspect of composition, each paragraph arranged in good order. In addition, this work presented sequential arguments, used the incremental method which emphasizes the importance of arguments as it moves backward.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.303-345
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• 2018

In this article, how the Bangmok(榜目) documents, which are essentially lists of successful passers for the civil competitive examination system of the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ dynasty, when rendered into digitalized formats, could serve as source of information, which would not only lets us know the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ individuals' social backgrounds and bloodlines but also enables us to understand the intricate nature that the Yangban network had, will be discussed. In digitalized humanity studies, the Bangmok materials, literally a list of leading elites of the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ period, constitute a very interesting and important source of information. Based upon these materials, we can see how the society -as well as the Yangban community- was like. Currently, all data inside these Bangmok lists are rendered in XML(eXtensible Makrup Language) format and are being served through DBMS(Database Management System), so anyone who would want to examine the statistics could freely do so. Also, by connecting the data in these Bangmok materials with data from genealogy records, we could identify an individual's marital relationship, home town, and political affiliation, and therefore create a complex narrative that would be effective in describing that individual's life in particular. This is a graphic database, which shows-when Bangmok data is punched in-successful passers as individual nodes, and displays blood and marital relations in a very visible way. Clicking upon the nodes would provide you with access to all kinds of relationships formed among more than 90 thousand successful passers, and even the overall marital network, once the genealogical data is input. In Korea, since 2005 and through now, the task of digitalizing data from the Civil exam Bangmok(Mun-gwa Bangmok), Military exam Bangmok (Mu-gwa Bangmok), the "Sa-ma" Bangmok and "Jab-gwa" Bangmok materials, has been completed. They can be accessed through a website(http://people.aks.ac.kr/index.aks) which has information on numerous famous past Korean individuals. With this kind of source of information, we are now able to extract professional Jung-in figures from these lists. However, meaningful and practical studies using this data are yet to be announced. This article would like to remind everyone that this information should be used as a window through which we could see not only the lives of individuals, but also the society.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.157-183
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to investigate the existence aspects of the Hyangri class in Imsilhyeon, Jeolla Province in the latter half of Joseon based on Woonsuyeonbangseonsaengan, which provides lists of Hyangris in Imsilhyeon from the fourth year(1724) of King Gyeongjong's reign to the early 20th century. It contained the names of total 704 Hyangris, who included 119 Kims, 103 Eoms, 103 Jins, 87 Parks, 86 Muns, 66 Lees, 31 Baeks, 27 Hwangs, and 17 Taes. In addition, there were 12 more family names that produced fewer than ten Hyangris. Based on the share of representative family names among the Hyangris of the area, it is estimated that the dominant family names were Kim, Eom, Jin, Park, Mun, and Lee. Another interesting aspect is that the Jeon and Yang families produced no Hyangris in the 19th century, whereas the Hwang family produced 5% of Hyangris in the century with the Jin family accounting for 10% or more. These findings show that little changes were consistent within the community of Hyangris despite the fact that a couple of families were dominant. The family clans of the family names were checked in Nosogyean, which records that they were the Kim family of Gyeongju, Eom family of Yeongwol, Jin family of Namwon, Park family of Hamyang, Mun family of Nampyeong, and Lee family of Gyeongju. The study then examined the family names of 76 Hojangs that were recorded to hold the Hojang title in Woonsuyeonbangseonsaengan to see whether the family names that produced higher-level Hyangris were the same as the ones above. There was an overall agreement between the family names that produced a lot of Hojangs and those that produced the most Hyangris, but there were differences according to the periods. Six family names produced Hojangs in similar percentage in the 18th century, and only three family names, which were the Jin family of Namwon(13), Mun family of Nampyeong(9), and Eom family of Yeongwol(6), produced more than ten Hojangs in the 19th century. Other noteworthy changes in the 19th century include the rapidly rising frequency of Hojangs serving the term twice or more compared with the 18th century and the concentration of Hojangs on certain family names. These findings indicate that six family names coexisted in the active production of Hyangris in the community of Hyangris in Imsilhyeon in the latter half of Joseon, that there were changes to the family names of higher-level Hyangris internally according to the periods, and that a shift happened toward the leadership of certain family names in the society of Hyangris.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.299-327
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• 2018

The objective of this study is to examine the regional distribution of Ssireum(Traditional Wrestling) of South and North Korea in the Japanese colonial era. The conclusions of this study are as follows. First, the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" showed the record of performing 272 times of Ssireum in 226 regions of the whole nation. Second, the Ssireum of South Korea could be divided into five regions. Seoul/Gyeonggi-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok while Chungcheong-do performed Ssireum in Baekjung and Chuseok. Jeolla-do and Gyeongsang-do performed Ssireum in Chuseok while Gangwon-do performed Ssireum in Dano and Chuseok. Third, the Ssireum of North Korea could be divided into three regions. All the Hwanghae-do, Pyeongan-do, and Hamgyeong-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano. Fourth, as the period when Ssireum was held the most in the whole nation, Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok could be pointed out. Ssireum has the characteristics of large-scale play between village communities or regions, instead of individual game. Thus, the Ssireum that was played as a sport event under certain rules for a long time was settled down as a folk play of regional festivals such as Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok. Fifth, as a folk play and a representative play of seasonal customs, Ssireum was distributed in the whole nation and handed down till today under the regional deviation of South and North Korea. Sixth, the unidentified regions of South Korea that did not perform Ssireum were six places including five dos such as Gapyeong Gyeonggi-do, Boseong Jeollanam-do, Jeju-do, Gunwi and Cheongsong Gyeongsanbuk-do, and Inje Gangwon-do. The regions of North Korea were six places including three dos such as Pyeongyang, Yangdeok, Gangdong, and Gaecheon of Pyeongannam-do, Bakcheon Pyeonganbuk-do, and Dancheon Hamgyeongnam-do. Total 12 places in eight regions were included. Seventh, the number of total items of play names presented in the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" was about 6,400 types. Out of them, about 1,300 types were the items including how to play while about 5,100 types were the items presenting the play names only without explanations. Especially, in case of Ssireum, the periods of the lunar calendar were only specified in each region. Unfortunately, it was not possible to check the contents about the actual performance methods and types of Ssireum as they were omitted.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.283-317
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• 2017

Issues over morality and profit usually address relations between moral principles and material gains. In the history of traditional Oriental philosophy, discussions about them were called "Yi-Li zhi bian." The ideas of Confucius and Mencius also contain various discussions about Yi-Li. Both Confucius and Mencius defined Yi as a value concept to represent "natural," "appropriate" or "just" and regarded Yi as an external moral principle on the one hand and an internal moral emotion on the other hand. They had, at the same time, differences, as well. While Confucius placed importance on the external and acquired nature of Yi as a goal of morality, Mencius argued for the internal and innate nature of Yi as the nature of morality partially while recognizing its externality overall. Such Yi is a general term for subjective moral emotions and objective moral principles. Li was a concept of fact to represent "gain," "profit" or "profit-making." Both of them were against private interest and emphasized public interest. As for their differences, Confucius was positive about Li to some degree by saying "One should think of Yi when making profit," whereas Mencius was almost negative about Li and perceived it to be for Yi by saying "One should give up even his own life for Yi." He meant Li's dependence on Yi and also Yi's absoluteness for Ri. Both of them found a mix of opposite features in Yi such as internality and externality, subjectivity and objectivity, specificity and generality, and uniqueness and universality and also in Li such as individuality and specialty and public and private interest. Those features have both disadvantages including theoretical irrationality and logical contradiction and advantages including ideological diversity and conceptual polysemy. If efforts are made to avoid their disadvantages and highlight their advantages, they will provide some elements to consult in the creation of new global ethics required today when East and West are becoming one. In the modern society, the Yi-Li issues can be divided into the issues of morality and economy, personal and social profit, and moral ideal and material gain. If these modern Yi-Li issues are combined with the traditional Yi-Li issues, two paths will emerge over the order of Yi-Li. Of the many perceptions of Yi-Li issues of Confucius and Mencius, the idea of "Yi First, Li Later" can be very useful for creating a new ethics theory to represent "humanism" that we all need today when everyone considers their own pursuit of profit and satisfaction of needs as the best values. Sound Yi-Li relations will be possible only through Yi's orientation toward externality based on internality and Li's pursuit of private interest on the premise of public interest according to the spirit of "Yi First, Li Later."

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.251-276
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• 2017

This article is an attempt to identify the difference between "Oneness between Heaven and Man(天人合一)" thought proposed by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) in 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' and "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" thought presented by Kwonkun(權近) in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)'. Oneness between Heaven and Man thought, which have developed into practical ideas centered on self-cultivation theory, have a philosophical depth and logical system by Zhoudunyi(周敦?) with 'Taijirushuo(太極圖說)' in order to summarize the metaphysical cosmology and the treatise of human nature in Dynasty Song. Zhoudunyi established the concept of Wuji(無極) corresponding to Heaven(天), and suggested unified cosmology of 'Wuji(無極)-Taiji(太極)-Yin and Yang(陰 陽)-Five elements(五行)-Human(人間)-Everything(萬物)'. His cosmology is the perception that heaven, the creator of all things, is the relationship of unity, which is connected by man as the creature and the Order(命)and Nature(性). Thus, when people restores one's nature and realized that it is a mandate from Heaven, he said that heavenly unity can be realized and become a Saint(聖人). The idea of Zhoudunyi(周敦?) comes to Zhu Xi(朱熹) about 120 years later and it is concluded to be converged the Neo-Confucianism with Lichi theory. Accordingly, Zhoudunyi(周敦?) is evaluated as the master of the Neo-Confucianism to posterity. KwonKun suggested the idea of "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il(A diagram about Unifying Heaven, Human, and Mind-and-Heart)(天人心性合一)" in 'Ip-Hak-Do-Seol(入學圖說)' at the end of Goryeo Dynasty. KwonKun's "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" thought is logically coherent by adding an element of the doctrines of Chu-tzu to his teacher Yi Saek's "Chun-In-Mu-Gan" and arranging that the functions of my mind and Li(理) are all together. Whereas Zhuodunyi is concerned with the creation principle of the universe and all things, KwonKun mainly cares about Heaven(天), Human(人), and Heart (心), and Nature(性) in the view of psychology. In addition, he suggested that "Cheon-In-Sim-Seong-Haap-Il" can be achieved by self-cultivation centered of Gyeong-thought(敬思想). The idea of KwonKun has become a stepping stone to the development of the doctrines of Chu-tzu based on psychology. His ideas came to Yi Hwang about 150 year later, and are integrated into four clue-seven emotion (Sadan Chiljung四端七情) thesis and Gyeong-thought(敬思想). However, unlike the Zhoudunyi, KwonKun is not properly evaluated despite his academic accomplishments.