• Journal of Space Technology and Applications
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.169-186
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• 2022

In this article, Russia's space threat assessment and space warfare in the Russia-Ukraine war (Russian invasion of Ukraine) were analyzed and summarized. Considering the probability that commercial satellites will also be potential targets of space warfare, it is suggested that not only military satellites but also commercial satellites develop and apply space technology that can be applied equally to space threats when developing space technology. Necessary space technologies is listed.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.175-180
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• 2023

On the day of 24 February 2022, Ukraine was invaded by Russia which signed to ensure definitely the Ukraine's national sovereignty, territorial integrity and security under the UN General Assembly Security Council A/49/765, named as the Budapest Agreement. This invasion is the 2nd invasion succeeded in Crimean Peninsula invasion of March 2014 after the Ukraine's national independence in 1991 from the USSR. However this invasion has been continuing for much more than one year. Although Ukraine President appealed the 'peace' toward Russia and claimed also to justify the Budapest Agreement of 1994 toward U.S.A., even any justifications were not appealed. The critical moment of the national abolition could be escaped from the unified desperate spirit of all nations including the president, political-social leaders and military members. Such patriotic and self-help spirits in Ukraine resulted in the active supports from the U.S.A., western and eastern free democratic countries, NATO and EU, and even the neutral countries. Furthermore these supports are increasing much more day-after-day. The lessons which the Ukraine War offers to the Korean national security should be cored with the development of self-reliant national defense capabilities, self-strenuous efforts and unity strengthening of the Korean-U.S. Alliance with the deep confidence.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.5-31
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• 2024

The US-led and European partners supporting liberal international order has dwindled. A number of research has been conducted to explore reasons, starting point, the possibility of resurrection, and even the future scenarios of the international order. This is particularly important for the EU, in that the EU was built for a world that is peaceful, multilateral and driven by compromise inseparable from the liberal international order. The current situation of the crisis in the international order is also important to emerging powers notably China and Russia which seek for a new order best suitable for their own interests. In this sense, this paper explains the significance of the liberal international order to the EU, the necessity of salvaging an order or creating a new order, and important variables - elections held in 2024 across the EU, in the European Parliament, and the US, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, trans-atlantic partnership and EU-China relations - which possibly affect the EU to establish a new European order. In fact, the EU is unlikely to take the lead in forming a new international order. Nonetheless, the first task the EU should do is to acknowledge the crisis situation at present and to make a decision of the EU's position and role regarding saved, reformed or newly shaped order.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Crop Science Conference
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• 2022.10a
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• pp.8-8
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• 2022

Unstable crop production and distribution affected by climate change and COVID-19 pandemic has raised the food security concerns worldwide. In particular, Russia's invasion to Ukraine has blocked the grain trade such as wheat and com to importing countries, which has aggravated the situation. Korea has relied on foreign imports for about 80% of domestic grain demand, raising great concerns on food security. Considering situations related to Korea's food security, some points in view of a crop scientist are suggested and discussed as follows; 1) Domestic production of major grain crops should be increased through encouraging farmers by appropriate governmental subsidy programs 2) International corporation should be strengthened and diversified for sustainable overseas agricultural development and for stable import even in case of food crisis and emergency. 3) Self-sufficiency target should be specified by law so that more budget investments could be put to alleviate the food security concerns. 4) Technologies for climate smart agriculture and for competitive agricultural products should be developed aided by social and governmental support.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.27-59
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• 2023

This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.27-50
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• 2024

This paper examines issues concerning conflicts between arbitral awards and public interests, particularly with respect to economic sanctions. Sanctions have been widely used by political entities, such as States and organizations, as means to promote public interests and to resolve cross-border disputes. In particular, economic sanctions have been increasingly more visible in recent years due to the accelerating fragmentation of the international communities, and their magnitude and range of the impacts have grown accordingly. For example, the U.S. and the EU have imposed economic sanctions on Russia and related persons in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The U.S. recently re-introduced a comprehensive economic sanction on Iran. One of the notable impacts of the sanctions, particularly economic sanctions, is that on international arbitration. Sanctions are essentially built on the notion of the protection of public interests, and public interests are some of the few grounds upon which recognition and enforceability or arbitral awards may be rejected. However, jurisprudence on such conflict between sanctions and arbitral awards have not been sufficiently addressed in Korea because court case and administrative decision records on this conflict have not been sufficiently accumulated. In this regard, this paper begins with offering a survey of the concept of public interests, economic and trade sanctions, arbitral awards and their enforceability, and the relationships between them. It then examines the mechanism upon which public interests, trade and economic sanctions may lead certain arbitral awards unenforceable. Next, the paper suggests judiciaries' balanced approach toward the public interests protected by trade and economic sanctions and the predictability and fairness in the enforcement of arbitral awards. Finally, this paper concludes with the methods of the implementation of such balanced approach.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.7
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• pp.117-122
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• 2022

The main purpose of the article is to determine the economic consequences of the impact of war on labor resources and tourism in terms of ensuring economic security. Today, in the context of Russia's invasion of the territory of Ukraine, an important aspect of people's lives is confidence in their safety. But no less important is the provision of economic security, its impact on the labor and tourism aspects of this type of security, the negative impact on which is carried out under the influence of war. Modern society is faced with the same problems that were a hundred years ago: technological progress, the balance of power in the world community, social problems, military conflicts. In the modern development of society, no one can deny the amazing scientific progress in new technologies and communications.That is why it is important to understand how dangerous war is not only for human life, but also for the economy of the state, its labor and tourism aspects.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.257-262
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• 2023

Recently there are increasing number of claims that it is necessary to build a countermeasure in case of aggressive threats by small drones. During Russia-Ukraine war ignited by Russian invasion on February 2022, attacking drones have been being used widely to damage other country's national major facilities. On December 2022, 5 drones sent by North Korea made a flight around Seoul, South Korea about 7 hours, but it was not successful to search and track them. Furthermore, none of these were destroyed and shot down. Counter-drone system is essential system to search and identify unintended small drones and disable them. This paper is for proposing required functions for building a counter-drone system for national major facilities. We conducted focus group interviews with relevant government officials and analyzed their suggestions on how to augment protection capabilities to defend against small drone attacks.