• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.43
• /
• pp.328-357
• /
• 2000

From Foucault's Perspective of power, this study is trying to illuminate the characteristics and limitations of 'empowerment' which is widely accepted as a central value and practice skill of social work. Notwithstanding the superficial consensus on the empowerment, the author shows that it is a confusing concept with contrasting expectations and conflicting methodologies or only a wishful rhetorical jargon. Furthermore, he argues that the empowerment is not just a value-free intervention skill working outside the ruling power but a ruling-discourse or power-mechanism of a liberal society which makes citizens responsible voluntarily. For a theoretical background for these arguments, the 2nd chapter reviews Foucault's theory of power. The 1st part of the 3rd chapter summarizes the historical background of empowerment practice and its methodological characteristics and meanings, the 2nd part reviews the existing critics on the conceptual and practical limitations of empowerment, and the last part reveals, based upon Foucault's theory of power, that the empowerment is a typical mode of ruling power in liberal societies. The author expects that this study may warn the moral and intellectual superiority complex of social work discourse and help stimulate the ethical sensibility and responsibility in social work practice.

• CELLMED
• /
• v.13 no.2
• /
• pp.3.1-3.21
• /
• 2023

In this study, the drinking culture of the Choseon dynasty is examined with the text frequency analysis technique on the entire 『Choseonwangjosilok (朝鮮王朝實錄)』. This study examined a total of 1,968 volumes and 948 books about 27 kings of Choseon , which spans a total of 518 years, through web crawling on the National Institute of Korean History website. Python 3.8 was used to extract sentences related to alcohol, Rhino 1.4.5 was used for morphological analysis to extract nouns, and Gephi 0.9.2 was used for semantic network analysis. According to 『Choseonwangjosilok (朝鮮王朝實錄)』 about alcohol culture, the results of the analysis are as follow: Alcoholic beverages were more often used in court or in ritual ceremonies rather than those based on specific ingredients or manufacturing methods commonly used by the general public. regarding the ruling class through semantic network analysis l in the 『Choseonwangjosilok (朝鮮王朝實錄)』, the Choseon dynasty was found to be highly associated with political issues related to maintaining the power relations within the Korean royal court system. At times, alcohol was used to maintain personal relationships, while at other times it was seen as an essential item in state ceremonies. It was also used as a highly political means to maintain and strengthen national power.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.15 no.3
• /
• pp.7-25
• /
• 2006

This research examines symbolic meanings of architectural style of Japanese ruling era of Korea through analysis of Expo buildings. Expo buidings of Joseon Product Evaluation Expo(1915), Joseon Expo(1929), and Joseon Grand Expo(1940) are chosen as subjects of this research. Expos held in Korea since 1945 were creatures of colonial reign and their objectives are advertising the advancement of Japan. New and latest architectural styles of Western countries were used as a symbol of advancement in non-western countries. Renaissance style and Secession style in Joseon Product Evaluation Expo and Modernism style in Joseon Expo were introduced as architectural styles that symbolize advancement. On the contrary, the traditional architectural style of Joseon Dynasty was distorted as symbol of backwardness. Latest Western Architectural Styles were used elaborately and Intentionally to symbolize advancement and industrialization by Japanese ruling power and companies. Specially, Modernism style operating as 'symbol of advancement' is characteristic of non-western society in attempt to proceed Modernization through Westernization. Also, it can be suggested that architectures in Modernism style are used in ways to symbolize the advancement of the colonial reign authorities within the colonial society.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.42 no.3
• /
• pp.4-24
• /
• 2009

This paper examined archaeological resources that discuss how Silla entered the Gangneung area, the coastal region along the East Sea that has been excavated most actively. Silla expanded its territories while organizing the its system as an ancient state and acquired several independent townships in various regions, stretching its forces to the East Sea area faster than any other ancient states of the time. In particular, many early relics and heritages of Silla have been found in Gangneung, the center of the East Sea area. Many archaeological resources prove these circumstances of that time and provide brief texts that are valuable for our interpretation of historical facts. In this respect, it was possible for me to examine these resources to answer my question as to why early relics and heritages of Silla are found in the Gangneung area. Based on my research on Silla's advancement into the Gangneung area, I have acquired the following results: How did Silla rule this area after conquering Yeguk in the Gangneung area? After conquering the Gangneung area, Silla attempted an indirect ruling at first. Later, Silla adopted a direct ruling system. I divided the indirect ruling period into two phases: introduction and settlement. In detail, Silla's earthenware and stone chamber tombs first appeared in Hasi-dong in the fourth quarter of the 4th Century and the tombs spread to Chodang-dong in the second quarter of the 5th Century. A belt with dragon pattern openwork, which seems to be from the second quarter of the 5th Century, was found to tell us that the Gangneung region began receiving rewards from Silla during this time. Thus, the period from the fourth quarter of the 4th Century to the second quarter of the 5th Century is designated as the 1st Phase (Introduction) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. This is when Silla was first advanced to the Gangneung area and tolerated independent administration of the conquered. In the third and fourth quarters of the 5th Century, old mound tombs appeared and burials of relics that symbolized power emerged. In the third quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were prevalent, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs began to emerge. Also, tombs that were clustered in Hasi-dong and Chodang-dong began to scatter to Byeongsan-dong, Yeongjin-ri, and Bangnae-ri nearby. Steel pots were the symbol of power that emerged at this time. In the fourth quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were still dominating, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs became more popular. More crowns, crown ornaments, big daggers, and belts were bestowed by Silla, mostly in Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong. The period from the third quarter to the fourth quarter of the 5th Century was designated as the 2nd Phase (Settlement) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. At this time, Silla bestowed items of power to the ruling class of the Gangneung area and gave equal power to the rulers of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong to keep them restrained by each other. However, Silla converted the ruling system to direct ruling once it recognized the Gangneung area as the base of its expedition of conquest to the north. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, old mound tombs disappeared and small/medium-sized mounds appeared in the western inlands and the northern areas. In this period, the tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs were large enough for people to enter with doors. A cluster of several tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs was formed in Yeongjin-ri and Bangnae-ri at this time, probably with the influence of Silla's direct ruling. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, Silla dispatched officers from the central government to complete the local administration system and replaced the ruling class of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong with that of Silla-friendly Yeonjin-ri and Bangnae-ri to reorganize the local administration system and gain full control of the Gangneung area.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
• /
• v.5 no.2 s.10
• /
• pp.69-95
• /
• 2005

Eunsa Memorial Science Museum is a political space to justify ruling colony. Japanese imperialism made use of science museum in ruling colony under the cloak of propagating science thoughts. The science museums made it natural to rule the inferior Joseon(Korea) by bring the concept of 'Great Science Empire' into relief. The exhibition, lecture, experiment and science movies propagated those colonial ruling ideology. This transplantation of the colonial science museumraised the following problems. First, the science museum was used as means for the propagation of political power. All the aspects of the architecture, exhibition, and operation of the colonial science museum propagated and supported the direction of political authority, and furthermore planted a rosy phantasm of 'Development' and 'Progression' into the colony. Second, The science technology of science museum was treated as 'Result' and 'Instrument'. Japanese imperialism denied that the science is a historical and cultural staple product; it instilled only the 'Instrumental Rationality' in the colony. Third, the science technology dealt in the colonial science museum was below the level. What they educated and set forth as domestic science was to cultivate the laborers people for the political power by internalizing modernistic discipline.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.53 no.1
• /
• pp.77-85
• /
• 2003

The following results are from a research on the influences of the political parties on the fashion styles. which political power was strugg1ed with each other were one of the political Phenomena featuring Chosun Dynasty. Partisan fashion styles are mainly divided into two groups : NohRon (노론) and SohRon (소론). Nonetheless. NmIn (남인) also shows several unique traits. BukIn (북인). however, does not seem to be retaining any unique styling features. which believed to be caused by lack of political Power. The style of NohRon represents the status of a ruling party, which generally had abundant resources and the image of a conservatism. On the contrary, with SohRon's style, swiftness and reform-minded images could be found. Moreover, the NohRon's style is generally known to present, as the representing the way of noble men of Chosun Dynasty wore in the past. The reason seems to have stemmed from its status as the last ruling party in Chosun Dynasty. Thus, many people of the age mimicked the style, and it gained general acceptance in turns. Consequently, it is still deemed as the prevalent style of Chosun Dynasty.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.129
• /
• pp.111-140
• /
• 2014

In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
• /
• v.11 no.1
• /
• pp.15-33
• /
• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.227-266
• /
• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.27
• /
• pp.167-196
• /
• 2009

The king-vassal-subject relation in neo-confucianism can be elucidated in their status context as well as in their communicative context. In their status context, there are two aspects of power such as sovereignty and rule. Chu-zhi thinks that subjects are nobler than king in the aspect of sovereignty, but the relation is reversed in the aspect of ruling power. These two relaitions are not contradictory, but compatible. When ruling power operates, he thinks, king, vassals and word-watching officials(諫官) must check each other. In their communicative context, there are theories of sympathy and public discourse. Sympathy consists of moral sympathy through virtue politics and emotional sympathy through enjoying together. Chu-zhi finds a theoretical basis of public discourse in the place where heavenly principle meets with human mind. Public discourse is to search for common good. Institutional arrangements for public discourse are the official's rights to open and free speech. He thinks that word-watching officials must be speech leaders.