• 복식
• /
• 제59권10호
• /
• pp.68-84
• /
• 2009

A state wedding ceremony of kings and crown princes in the Chosun Dynasty was systemically formalized in a book Five National Ceremonies (1474) as one of the five major formal events of the royal auspicious ceremonies(Ga-rae). For a state wedding, Ga-rae Protocol was made by a devision for Ga-rae temporarily established for the occasion. A total number of auspicious ceremony protocols of kings and crown princes amounts to 20 in the span of 279 years. Among the proposals, the wedding of Soon-jong in the Imo Year of 1882 is described most thoroughly. Nap-bin-ui(reception of bride) comprises six rituals which are nap-chae, nap-jing, go-gyi, chaek-bin, chin-young, and dong-ryae. A grand formal costume of the crown prince is granted based on the 'Seven Parts Formal Costume' of the first year of the king Moon-jong in 1450 together with an official costume for crown prince(Gon-myeon-chil-jang) arranged in the third year of the king Young-rak. In the royal palace of the Chosun Dynasty, the granted formal costume of the crown prince is officially recorded as a code and presented in a Gwon-ji-il section of the Formalities of the Five National Ceremonies. The formal costume and its accessory set for the crown prince recorded as a code are described in Sangbang Jeong-ryae as the formal costume of the crown prince section published by the king's request at the high senate commission in the 28th year of the king Young-jo in 1752. The aim of the study is to investigate the formal costume of the crown prince as an auspicious ceremonial costume worn at the wedding in the year of Imo.

• 복식
• /
• 제65권8호
• /
• pp.95-109
• /
• 2015

The purpose of this Study is to understand Supsin (shoes for dead) in late Chosun dynasty through records and excavated relics. The research records in this study were two types which one was official records as The Annals of The Chosean Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄), Dairy of the Royal Secretariat(承政院日記) ets and the other was private records as Korean literary collections of confucian scholars in classical chinese(文集) ect. as for relics use two types of materials that one is the excavated supsins and the other is Research Reports of Excavated Costumes published from museums. Through the Collections, we can notice that shoes were several types which Wunhae(雲鞋), Danghae(唐鞋) Onhae(溫鞋) Wunli(雲履), Taesahae(太史鞋) in Chosun dynasty. these were worn in different ways according to wearer's gender, the social status, daily life or rituals, inside or outside in palace. Wunhae and Wunli was the most ceremonial shoes for man and Onhae was the most ceremonial shoes for woman. the dead man worn the Wunhae or Wunli for Supsin and the dead woman worn Onhae. we could see they use the most ceremonial shoes for supsin. through the records, we could see the change that Women's Supsin was written for the first time in 18th Saraepyenram(四禮便覽). men's Supsin was recorded as '履', while Women's Supsin was recorded as '鞋' in Saraepyenram. the reason for making difference between man and woman in costumes(男女有別). and the excavated Supsin showed that the dead worn more ceremonial shoes than records. these changes mean one of the results for making korean style rituals from chinese style(國俗化).

• 한국의류학회지
• /
• 제40권2호
• /
• pp.382-396
• /
• 2016

This study explores 1) the cultural meanings that television beauty programs deliver, 2) the ways consumers consume TV beauty programs, and 3) the differences in the meaning of television beauty programs according to personality types. An Enneagram was used to define different personality types. The Enneagram explained personalities according to underlying core energies and was useful to grasp consumer behavior. Exploratory data were collected through in-depth interviews of fifteen women in their twenties who watched television beauty programs regularly. The personality types were classified according to three core energies: head-centered, heart-centered, or body-centered. The results were: First, television beauty programs were celebrity-focused, product-focused, and consumer-focused. They were found to help consumers improve their appearance in an appearance-oriented contemporary society by sharing appearance management information. Second, consumers consumed the products from television beauty programs as well as sought a "beautifully transformed self". Third, cultural meanings moved first from a culturally-constituted world to consumer goods through television beauty programs that then moved these goods to the individual consumer through symbolic consumption behavior along with grooming rituals, evaluation practices, appreciation practices, and accounting practices. Symbolic consumption behavior differed with personality type: heartcentered consumers transferred meaning through grooming rituals and appreciation practices, head-centered consumers through evaluation practices, and body-centered consumers through accounting practices.

• 가족자원경영과 정책
• /
• 제15권3호
• /
• pp.1-22
• /
• 2011

The purpose of this study is to offer basic data on family rite education, as well as to suggest future directions for family rites by surveying differences in the understanding and the practice of family rites among female undergraduates, who will be the future leaders of our society. General proclivity toward, and differences between understanding and practice of family rites, as well as the effect of socio-demographic variables on these differences, were further verified with a one-way ANOVA, a t-test, and a Duncan's Multiple Range Test. This study had two main findings. First, the gap between understanding and practice in family rites, ordered from largest to smallest by sub-sphere, was found to be: coming-of-age ceremonies, birthday rituals, ancestral rituals, funeral rites, and wedding ceremonies. Second, as for the results of the analysis of the difference between understanding and practice of family rites in female undergraduates according to socio-demographic variables, among a total of 18 variables, significant differences were found in: own religion, brother's rank, mother's religion, father's religion, mother's job, place where the individual grew up, having experienced family rites, education. place of residence, and monthly income. In the face of a changing era and environment, the basic spirit of family rites has not changed. However, a new harmony between tradition and modem times is needed. This can be achieved through the establishment of a suitable form of rites for the present age, while taking on a modem acceptance of the significance traditionally associated with these rites.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
• /
• 제12권2호
• /
• pp.155-172
• /
• 1997

In the age of the three Kingdoms, Silla, Kokuryu and Baekjae were built Confucian Shrine (Kukhak or Taehak) after BC 2-4 century Confucism propagated from China. It means 1600years' history of Saugc-Zeuhn Rites of an Imperial ceremony to honor Confucius in Korean peninsula. For Chosen dynasty age passed by Koryo dynasty carried out mainly Confucian policy, in Sungkyunhwan of Mun-Hyo (Confucian Shrine) traditional rites in memory of Confucius are observed twice a year in spring and autumn for 600 years of the 112 memories Tablets to Confucius and the other famous Confucius scholars. (his disciples and Korean Confucian scholars) Wine, food, and silk are offered, and incense burnt before the tablets of confucius and the other scholars while traditional music is played and ceremonial dances performed. Traditional rites are observed primarily for the purpose of reminding students and other attendats of the teaching of Confucius. It is to have got it firmly into young Korean head that humanim, family, courtesy, order modesty and practical morality are more important than any thing else. And also now we need to reappraise, fundermently recognize rehabilitute and transmission the traditional foods Korean sacrifical rituals culture by Korean characteristics culture, Through the historical background we can recognize how much the Confucius thought and education effect deeply Korean sociaty even upto now to Korean popular life. At the same time confucism became fixed to Korean traditional thought and culture. Specially Sauge-Zeuhm Rites is based on Korean sacrificial rituals culture and Korean dietary life generally through this study we can see and presume the changes and transmmision of foods and cookey methods from BC ages.

• 동아시아식생활학회지
• /
• 제25권4호
• /
• pp.549-564
• /
• 2015

This study was conducted on the head family house of Panseogong coterie of Andong Kwon clans in Daksil village, Bongwha gun, Kyungbuk: historical sources survey and field visit over four rounds were conducted from March to June 2014. In-depth interview, storytelling, and nutrition facts were used as methods of research using 49 participants, and the potentials of trend goods were the main purpose of this research. The specialties of bongwha prefecture in the Chosun Dynasty were pine nut, manna lichen, ginseng, sweetfish, and wild honey. Ritual food bulcheonwi's offerings a feature in Choongjae Kwonbeol's head family - were sacred wine, me, gang, otang, myun, myunjeok, pyunjeok, pyunchung, pyun, po, chungpomook, dojeok, sookchae, ssam, chimchai, sikhye, chogwa, silgwa, soojunggwa, etc. The ritual foods of bulcheonwi's head family house Choongjae Kwonbeol were commercialized through storytelling. Choongjae Kwonbeol's ritual ceremonies, recognized for their national royalty, were reorganized as the traditional Korean table settings, so that the Korean people could easily access them. The special meal called "Geumgyeporansang" represented the head family house foods' essence to share and serve others through the Dacshil village's natural beauty, Bonghwa's local ingredients, and festivities after the "Chungjae Gwunbal Bulchun" rituals. The ritual foods called "Cheongamjungsang", utilizing "Chungjae Gwunbal Bulchun" rituals, were represented in the form of a lunch box: such foods illustrate the classical scholar's mindset that enjoys the nature and arts through education and virtue.

• 건축역사연구
• /
• 제8권1호
• /
• pp.81-94
• /
• 1999

This Study aims at searching the meanings in the creative process of Ronchamp chapel by analyzing the drawings of the site, plan, section and elevation in chronological order. The origins of his architectural creation are identifying with the site(memories of Acropolis), analogies of crab shell, air plane wing and hydraulic dams. The architect informed himself about the site ,the tradition of pilgrimage associated with the place, and its devotion to the Holy Virgin; he looked into the rituals of the Catholic religion, spoke with ecclesiastics; he studied and annotated a monograph devoted to the site of Ronchamp. Also ,the plan required that it be possible to collect rainwater, since such was rare on the hill. In the first design phase, overall conception of building was carried out in the sketches and drawings from June 1950 to November 1950. The second phase in the elaboration of the project was from January 1951(at which time preliminary project was presented to the Commission of Holy Art) to April 1953. The modifications made were in response to opinions expressed by the patrons. The building moved to east and gargoyle moved to west, then, the elevations of north and west were changed. He designed the artificial land and bell tower from the first phase even after the beginning of construction ,he wanted them to be built .But they were not constructed, so the outer space for rituals of religion had no tension. I concluded that Le Corbusier had gifted ability and efforts to create spontaneous birth(after incubation) of the whole work, and the execution of drawings itself. He devoted himself to accomplish the project in spite of the change in situation or by clients.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
• /
• 제33권
• /
• pp.274-289
• /
• 2000

Koryo Dynasty has greatly effected the meat eating practice in Korea. And by focusing on this period, this paper has in vestigated how this practice influenced and effected our meat eating culture. The 'Orders to Prohibit Butchery' written on Koryo's history books were to encourage stockbreeding rather than to follow the Buddhist policy they followed. By encouraging stockbreeding, they wanted to promote the usage of cattle in farming and thus increasing agriculture industry as a whole. Nonetheless, records show that hunting was permitted to a certain degree. And this allowed the civilians to depend their meat supply from hunting and for the fire field farmers to capture wild animals that harmed their crops. Moreover, through 'Kiwujae' (Kiwujae - a shamans service to pray for rain / ritual (praying) for rain.), we could see that earlier part of Karyo's rituals and ceremonies followed the Buddhist tradition while the latter followed the Shamanism tradition. Perhaps this was the result of allowing 'meat' for the service offerings. As Shamanism could be considered as a religion that allowed 'meat', prevalence of Shamanism was promoting meat-eating at mess(after these rituals and ceremonies that offered food (meat inclusive) to their guardian or god, the civilians would dine together.). In relation, this public eating practice slowed down the progress for storage technique. Therefore, meat-eating was developed through public and mass dining rather than through the form of family or private. On this account, we can safely regard meat-eating practice as a 'public event'. On the other hand, the history of castration is not so long in Korea. And the purpose of such practice was to use the stock for farming rather than to yield high quality meat. It is known that Mongol in Koryo period has greatly influenced meat cooking in Korea. And the exemplary dish is the 'tang' (tang - kind of soup. However less creamy, clearer broth and with more ingredients than soup.). However, the tang we ate in everyday life had the same cooking method as the tang we offered for services. Moreover, since we did not use castrated animals for our offering as the Mongolians, we must not have been greatly influenced by them. But if so, perhaps the influences would have been limited to the nobility.

• 건축역사연구
• /
• 제29권6호
• /
• pp.79-88
• /
• 2020

During the Joseon Dynasty, the rituals that were celebrated in the palaces were mainly held inside the palace and in the courtyard of the palace. Mats were spread on the floor of the place where the ritual was held. The mats spread in the Joseon Dynasty rituals divided the space in various ways, and in particular, they were spread in a certain form in the spaces of royal wedding, customs, and court banquet. Mats were the primary physical element that divided the royal ritual space of the Joseon Dynasty, and functioned to elevate the general space to the ritual space. In the ritual space, mats were spread inside the palace, and divided the courtyard of the palace into left and right in a symmetrical form to distinguish the hierarchy of the participants. Mats with special and white patterns were spread in the external ceremonial space and mats with flower and colorful patterns were spread in the internal ceremonial space. This was the subdivision of the Confucianism's male-female division through the mat. The pattern of the mat that divided the space of the royal family elders also meant longevity to reflect the filial thoughts of the Confucianism through the mat. Mats were a physical element for subdividing the royal family and the participants in the hierarchy of the space where the ritual is held, and it also performed a subdividing function between the royal participants. In other words, in the Joseon Dynasty ritual space, mats were temporarily spread while the ritual is being celebrated and functioned to elevate the space to a ritual space. It is confirmed that the fact that the mats were temporarily spread to divide the space into the hierarchies according to the status and were subdivided into colors and patterns to perform the function to reflect the subdivision of the royal family according to Confucianism and the statue of filial piety in the ritual.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
• /
• 제52권2호
• /
• pp.122-141
• /
• 2019

고려궁성은 개성에 위치하고 있다는 유적의 특수성으로 인해 유물에 대한 단편적인 접근만이 가능하였으나, 본고에서는 고려궁성 내 전각군의 배치와 역사 기록들에 대한 이해를 바탕으로 출토 자기들을 해석해보았다. 그중 명문 기호 자기는 유적에 대한 보다 구체적인 정보들을 제공하므로 해당 건물지의 시기와 성격, 궁궐의 운영 등을 종합적으로 추정해볼 수 있다. 8차에 걸쳐 진행된 고려궁성의 발굴조사에서 출토된 자기들의 전반적인 양상을 살펴보았으며, 고려궁성에서 출토된 18종의 명문 기호 청자들을 특징 시기별로 분류하였다. 본고에서는 13세기 후반으로 편년되었던 '소전(燒錢)'명 청자들을 고려궁성 발굴조사 결과와 문헌 기록에 근거하여 13세기 전반에 사용되었던 것으로 보았다. 이는 '소전'명 청자와 공반하는 기호(${\circ}$, ${\odot}$) 청자, '성(成)'명 청자의 편년, 그리고 이들 청자가 중앙건축군의 선경전(宣慶殿, 회경전) 뒤편에서 출토되었다는 점을 종합적으로 검토한 결과이다. 13세기 후반에는 초제가 서부건축군의 강안전(康安殿, 대관전)에서 대부분 행해졌고, '소전'명 청자가 출토된 선경전 구역에서 초제가 거행된 것은 강화 천도(1232~1270) 직전인 13세기 전반에 집중되어 있기 때문이다. 따라서 8차 발굴조사에서 출토된 '소전'명 청자 잔을 비롯한 다수의 잔과 잔탁은 13세기 전반 선경전에서 거행된 초제에서 사용되었을 가능성이 크다.