• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.441-470
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• 2017

This paper deals with three issues related to influx and change of the Confucian Shrine Ritual Music. First, the musical instrument of the Akhakgwebeom-wooden frame-form used in the current Confucian Shrine Ritual Music is not a form that came in when the Daesung-Aak of the Song Dynasty was introduced in 1116, but it is a Yuan Dynasty form brought from the Ming Dynasty, in the 19th year of King Kongmin. In the Song Dynasty of the Goryeo Yejong era, when Daesung-Aak came in, there was not yet 'Baeso', a musical instrument of the Akhakgwebeom form, which first appeared in the Yuan Dynasty. A new musical instrument named 'Baeso' appears with the 'So' in the later period of King Gongmin, and it is very likely that this 'Baeso' is the musical instrument of the present Akhakgwebeom form. Second, although the form of the 'So' in the Joseon Dynasty recorded in the Akhakgwebeom was followed by the Chinese one, but the pitch and arrangement are the one of the pitch of '12 Yul and 4 Cheongseong' and the arrangement of the pitch from left to right. Third, in the 1930s, the whole form was the same as that of the Akhakgwebeom, but there existed two types, which several pipes stick together or pipes fall apart. But since then, as seen in the musical instrument located at Kyungpook National University Museum and in instruments currently used in Confucian Shrine Ritual Music, only musical instruments exist which pipes fall apart. It is unclear for what reason and to what extent the 'So' were so transformed, but it would be appropriate to re-establish the form of the 'So' in the musical and historical point of view.

• Architectural research
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.45-56
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• 2014

The objective of this article, positively recognizing existing researches, is to revisit some aspects regarding the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala with a square grid work which is a fundamental planning guideline to control the construction of a Hindu temple and a mathematical doctrine to lead ritual programs. Hence, this paper suggests some reservations as to certain details such as temple constructions. In order to lay hold on its meaning, this paper touches upon the specific matters about the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala in the building construction of Hindu temples, which set out to shed light on four concerns; first, it explores the formation process of the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala in concert with the evolution of Hindu temples over time; second, it considers differences and similarities in comparison with other texts intimately articulated with the construction of temples, and then understands the relationship between their local languages and applications to the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala; third, it examines the symbolic and sanctified process of the temple's construction on the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala grids with two- or three-dimensional computer graphics (by means of the Auto Cad and Rhino tools), invisibly situating the divinities within it and illuminating the roles of ornamentation in the structural terms of temples; fourth, it presents that there are another rules on the building construction based upon architect-priest's craftsmanship skilled as a stonemason or a carpenter in the manual processes of the temples' construction for proper measurements and truncations of stone and wood closely linked together structural stability of completed temples. In conclusion, proceeding from what has been said above, this thesis shows that the Vāstupuruṣamaṇḍala grid includes both practical and spiritual meanings to construct a Hindu temple.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.60 no.2
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• pp.130-143
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• 2010

Hanbok industry is not based on a consumer-oriented market system, which is related to poor competitiveness in various areas, such as product planning, marketing, and flow of raw materials. The purpose of this paper is to design and conduct an empirical study on important aspects of consumers. experiences and perspectives about Hanbok, and thereby aims to provide much-needed guidance about ways to promote the Hanbok market. Out of 1065 questionnaires distributed, a total of 1039 was returned with responses and used for analyses. The respondent sample included consumers of various background characteristics in their residential areas, age, gender, education levels, and income levels. Cronbach's alpha and a factor analysis were employed for the reliability and the construct validation of the survey instrument. One-way ANOVA associated with post-hoc comparison tests was used to investigate differences across different demographic subgroups of consumers. The results show that consumers generally view Hanbok as one of the formal dresses, worn one or two times per year for traditional events or ceremonies. Consumers tend to show negative opinions about the pricing, and the inconvenience in cleaning and wearing Hanbok. However, consumers think very highly of the aesthetic values, the gracious styles, and the iconic identity of nationalism of Hanbok. This study suggests that Hanbok for modern consumers should be considered as clothing for a ritual, rather than clothing to reconstruct to be fitted to modern daily lives. Hanbok should be promoted as part of up-scaled and differentiated traditional cultures, as clothing that represents and enhances the traditional elegance and beauty unique to the Korean people.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.85-95
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• 2022

This study intends to analyze the meaning of symbolism in ancestral memorial rite arrangemen from the view that ancestral worship connecting traditional society with modernity are the transmission of ritual. It appears as a change the theory of Yin-Yang and Five Elements that became the basis and ideology about the Confucian view of life and death, an understanding of the universe structure, and a change in the four seasons. Ancestral memorial rite arrangements acknowledge the existence of ancestors. And it is understood as a ceremonial instrument which the living and the dead communicate spatially with time through the symbolic system. In addition, the four seasons, spaces of the skyground and underground were symbolized and embodied through the selection and arrangement of ancestral memorial rites. In the modern ancestral memorial rite arrangement, the factors that determine the location require Time-space analysis of the target. This is because the offering is understood not only as a functional role but also as a temporal and spatial symbolism to be expressed through the offering. In this study, it is meaningful to consider it from the perspective of inheritance of ancestral worship culture through discussions about the ideological background and symbolic system that appeared in ancestral memorial rite arrangement

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.96-111
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• 2009

This essay is a study aimed at rationality and utility of two terms, 'Nongak' and 'Pungmul'. I examined how the terms have been today, by diachrony based on review of historical material. I tried to secure the historical context and basis about my argument, quoting many historical material from Korea Dynasty period, Joseon Dynasty period and the colonial period of the imperial Japan during 1910-45 to today. I examined many objective arguments about the 'Nongak', and pointed out the mistake of the objective argument. And I examined the means and rationality of the terms, 'Nongak', 'Pungmul', 'Pungmulgut', 'Pungmulnory'. The 'Pungmul' has been used as the means of instrument for a long time from Joseon Dynasty period. It is only rational using as the means of instrument but as the means of Performance of Nongak considering the historical legitimacy. The 'Pungmul' is Sino-Korean word, not korean native letter. The Pungmulgut means the 'ritual by Pungmul', so it can be recognized the rationality, but have a weak point that it is a neologism being made by some intellectuals in 1980s. In addition to, it is not used im performing field. 'Pungmulnory' has a limit to call the Nongak as a synthetic art. 'Nongak'means a synthetic art that farmers who were absolute majority in agrarian society of Korea have made and developed. So I conclude that 'Nongak'is the best rational term.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.241-260
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• 1995

The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.56-69
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• 2011

A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.