The morning ritual was a rite whereby a morning audience with the emperor was held for feudal lords sovereigns and subjects living in the precincts, monarchs or foreign envoys of the outskirts of the capital, and other ethnic group. Distinction between the main and subordinate rituals, changes in the ceremony according to the times, and the position or rank of those participating in the rite, were factors that directly affected the costumes worn for ritual. Accordingly, in this paper, the costumes worn by members of the Ming dynasty (emperor, prince imperial, prince) were examined in terms of the period and detailed ceremonies with a focus on the morning ritual and costume systems presented in the official historical records. Through this study, only Mian-fu (冕服) and Pi-bian-fu (皮弁服) were defined by the costume system ase costumes worn in the morning ritual. However, through comparative analysis with the morning ritual system, it was confirmed that Tongtian-guan-fu (通天冠服), Yishan-guan-fu (翼善冠服), and Bianfu (便服: slightly casual wear) were also worn. It is worth noting that the color of Gunlong-pao (袞龍袍) was differentiated according to status; the Emperor wore yellow, the Prince Imperial and lower levels wore red, which was the traditional perception of academia. However, following confirmation of the custom costume for the morning ritual, it was confirmed that the color of this differentiation appeared during the 3rd year of Emperor Yongle of Ming (1305). Previously five traditional colors (blue, red, yellow, white, and black) were used for the season.
The ritual food is one of the indispensable elements in rituals of Korean folk beliefs. This is ascertained by the fact that a very simple ritual cannot be practiced and performed even without offering a bowl of water. In this regard, it is properly claimed that food is an essential medium of communications between man and gods if they spiritually meet and communicate each other by way of various rituals in Korean folk beliefs. It is possible to point out Gut, the typical ritual of Korean Shamanism as an example of serving the ritual foods among Korean folk beliefs. One of the striking phenomena in Gut(Korean Shamanism's rituals) is various ritual foods on the tables for Gut. There is no Gut performances without offering ritual foods, and the ritual food in Gut practices is more than just food offering to the gods. Moreover the ritual food tells that what kind of Gut it is and for what purpose it is performed, for whom it is set up. And even the invited gods of Musok are disclosed according to the ritual food in Gut. Also some parts of Musok's worldview are appeared and actualized through the ritual food in Gut. In this sense the ritual food in Gut is one of the important channels for understanding Gut and Musok, and one of the explanation systems about Musok. Even if recognized the importance of the ritual food in Gut, it still has not been draw proper attentions to deserving its importance in the researches on Musok and Gut. Upon the critical reviews on such tendencies of the previous studies this paper tries to clarify the characteristics and significances of the ritual food in Gut by examining the Jinjuk Gut in Seoul area as an case study. On the basis of this examination, the ritual food in Gut comes up to be one of the important paths to understanding Gut and Musok as an explanatory system on Musok in general.
The cocoon breeding related national ritual ceremony exercised from the beginning time of Joseon is the 'clothing culture' that has taken its role in the ritual ceremony where it demonstrates the resolution of a state that placed importance in 'things to wear'. During the reign of King Seongjong, it enhanced the level of importance by adding the 'procedure to pick up the mulberry leaved by the queen personally'. During the reign of King Youngjo, the implication of the ritual ceremony was even more expanded that there was an new emergence of new type of national ceremony for the Joseon Era with its first ritual ceremony for woman to personally administer the memorial ceremony to the 'woman divinity' in addition to the 'Jakheonrye' procedure to personally present by the queen for the cocoon breeding. This is intended to meet the status of chingyeonguirye (farming-friendly ceremony) with King Youngjo to personally cultivate the dry field after administering Seonnongje (good harvest paying ceremony) that it is conspicuously demonstrating the importance of farming and cocoon breeding activities. As a result, the Chinjam (a type of ceremony that queen personally breeds cocoon for fabrics) related ceremonial rite that was rearranged during the reign of King Youngjo was settled into 11 ceremonial rites with the expansion of its contents. It ranges from the procedure to leave the palace for carrying out the ritual ceremony to the procedure for the crown princess and Hyebin-gung to accompany the queen, ritual for the queen to devote the Jakheonrye to exercise Chinjam, the ritual for the king to announce his royal message, johyeonui (morning assembly) exercised after completing Chinjam, it is the ritual for the queen to receive the box that contained the cocoon. This type of ritual ceremony is a significant expansion when compared with the exercise carried out earlier and it is part of characteristics displayed for ritual overhaul trend in the reign of King Youngjo. In the main procedures of these ceremonial rites, the music is accompanied and the music includes folk music, inspiration and so forth. The Chinjam related ritual ceremony in the reign of King Youngjo was established in the direction to establish it as the ritual ceremony for a woman who had the divine role of the seonjamje ritual to administer the ritual in a way of having the justification and reality to be consistent.
Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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v.7
no.2
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pp.51-60
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2005
This ethnography is on the passage ritual clothes in Incheon province. This ethnography invatigates in two villages of people who has same family name -Family 'Cheung' (from Young-il) in Yeonsoo-dong and Family 'Lee'(from Cheun-joo) in dongyang-dong- in August to December 2003. The object of examination is 80's and 70's old women who have lived and had lived up to recent in two villages. (grand mother Sung, Cho, Cheung and yoon) The clothes of passage ritual are Baenaeoht is the first clothes of the newborn baby(swaddling), A wedding ceremony clothe is the clothing for the coming-of-age ceremony, Honryebouk is the clothing for wedding, Sangbouk in the clothing for mourning, shroud is the clothing for the dead, sacrificial robes. The result of ethnogrphy is the passage ritual clothes in Incheon Province similar with other Provinces in aspect of the name and the form and wearing of the clothes. there are remarkable differences in making method from making by oneself to purchase(swaddling$\cdot$shroud), westernize(clothes for wedding and mourning), simplification (sacrificial) between ritual for their parents and their husband and children.
Chosun dynasty had accepted the Confucianism as a means of governing whole society and in its practical aspect ${\ulcorner}$Garye${\lrcorner}$ and the ceremonies of family ritual regarded as important. As a result, after mid-Chosun dynasty family ritual was begun to popularized on a national scale, and the socio-culture system which was interrelated with it changed into confucian ones. These fill-scaled change, on the other hand, resulted into the change of spatial use and plan type of yangban houses. In this aspect, this study intends to clarify the influence of family ritual on spatial use of yangban houses through the comparison between ideal pattern and behavioral one of family ritual. And this study made Gwanhonrye except Sangjerye an object because these two ceremonies were peformed in sucession in those day's behavior. The research setting is the Korean traditional society prior to modernization. The collected materials are based on ethnographic information as well as personal documents, public records, field works and the books on family ritual. The methodology for the present study is primarily based on the comparison study between available documents and field work. Especially, as the books on family ritual include some explanatory diagrams of the ideal pattern, these diagrams are compared with another ones made by the author of the behavioral pattern. The major findings are as follows. Firstly, in the aspect of Gwanhonrye's process, the ideal pattern is similar to the behavioral one. But even the essential course of the ideal pattern of Honrye is 'chinyoung', it has never been accepcted in Chosun dynasty on account of 'seoryubuga'. Secondly, even though the names of the performing space of family ritual are different each pattern, the methods of spatial use in processing these two ceremonies are similar. In other words, according to the books on family ritual the major performing spaces of Gwanhonrye are 'chungsa' and 'jungchim', but in practical process of both ceremonies 'sarangchae' and 'anche' are used. Lastly, as family ritual like Gwanrye and Honrye had been practiced at yangban houses after mid-Chosun dynasty as mentioned above, the spatial arrangement had to be changed to a certain extent.
Jongga means a head family by only first son's line of each generation. It is our culture's root and identity. It also includes ritual for continuing filial duty. Ritual takes the main role on jongga culture to pay respects to Jongga's ancestors and roots. Therefore, ritual costume's importance can not be neglected. We will check a Po mainly for Jongga ritual costumes' types and designs to refind Jonggas identity and its meaning. In this research, areas are divided to Gyoungsang by Youngnam sect and Jeonla by Kiho sect. Geochang, Andong in Gyoungsang province and Haenam, Namwon, Youngkwang in Jeonla province where currently first sons of Jongga reside have been researched. The method is based on Books and visits on the places. Ritual costumes' types and designs are different between Gyoungsang and Jeonla. Firstly, now in Jongga, only a Dopo and a Durumagi are worn while the manner book shows a Danryoung, a Jikryoung, a Dopo and a Simu. Also costumes are variable on areas. Secondly, a Po is characterized by its sleeve and back-line's inside skirt. In a Po, Gyoungsang has a Duri sleeve and Jeonla has a Duri sleeve which has been changed from a Dunggun sleeve. While Gyoungsang has rectangle-shaped two pieces cloths and a split in a bottom, Jeonla has both a Mu with a split back and a complete split back in back-line's inside skirt. It seems that Youngnam sect's fundamentalism and Kiho sect's flexibility about culture of old political groups would have influenced on these patterns.
The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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v.2
no.1
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pp.53-70
/
2016
There has been many researchs about "朱子家禮" providing the basic mannerism in Josun Dynasty era and influencing rituals to communicate ancestors. However, the arrangement of ritual has not been researched and understood as formality. In this study, the Yin, Yang and the five element theory was researched in the perspective of understanding in the universe order and ancient astronomy that provided the academic basic and idea in the era to understand the arrangement of the ritual, and based on this, the arrangement in "朱子家禮" was analysed. As a result, it was confirmed that the arrangement in ritual was made by the structure of symbol of Yin, Yang and five elements, which is the logic of order in universe people understood at that time. Through this, by understanding the meaning of the arrangement in ritual, the ritual culture would be properly understood and passed to next generation despite of changes in culture.
This research was performed to identify the characteristics of the Korean rituals and to establish the desirable ritual culture. The recognition of the ritual culture was investigated by the general environmental factors such as gender, age, religion and education background. The rituals were generally recognized as positive. Some significant differences were shown according to religion, gender and residential area. To succeed the tradition of the preparation and the table-setting of ritual foods and to conduct the rituals by the descendants were recognized relatively high by the Buddhists and males living In Gyeongsangbuk-do. The degree of recognition of the method of table-setting of ritual foods was higher if one was married and older, with Buddhism and the oldest daughter-in-law in a family. As above, the culture of Korean rituals showed some differences according to the general environment and regions of the individual. The reason why regional differences were shown high was mainly because tradition and conservatism were maintained according to the unique regional thought and natural environment rather than impacts of the changes of times. That some differences were shown according to general environmental factors suggested that the traditional ritual culture was gradually changing according to the environmental changes in the modem times. Also, the recognition on the ritual culture were identified through investigations by general environmental factors such as gender, age, religion and education background.
Gut (Shaman ritual) in the west coast area is consisted to sanyang-geori (hunting), tasal-geori, gunwoong-geori those describe from hunting process to preparing animal sacrifices to a deity. The characteristic of gut in the west coast area which are represented for mock hunting and animal sacrifice ritual is practicing at the sibamasturi in Japan. This paper aims to compare a shaman ritual in west coast area in Korea and Japanese Sibamasturi from the comparative folklore point of view. Gut in the west coast area is well known for dividing sacrificial offering: vegetable for sinryeong and meat for singyeong. This division of spiritual deity shows it has different background from agriculture and hunting culture. Hwanghae-do gut has been formed under the various life environments. Therefore, each stage is conducted according to the purpose of the ritual. Sanyang-geori (hunting) represents the scene of hunting in the mountain and by catching live animals and it refers to Gunwoonsin, and will be offered. Animal sacrifice is a positive ritual which get rid of bad luck and pleased deity. Sibamasturi is practiced in mountain area where most of people involve in hunting and agriculture. Therefore, this area has both agricultural ritual and hunting ritual. Sibamasturi is practiced in January (lunar) and it also has meaning of beginning of agriculture and hunting in mountain area. Ground burnt off for cultivation way symbolizesfire ritual and mock hunting as well as animal sacrifice together. These rituals match to farmers of mountain area in the south-east Asia. The gut in the west coast area and Japanese Sibamasturi have common point that mock hunting and animal sacrifice are practiced at both rituals, however, the structure for these two ritual are different. In other word, there animal sacrifice has been formed with different cultural back ground.
This study examines the types and features of formal ritual hats for Tibetan Buddhist priests. Findings of the study are as follows. The types of formal hats that Tibetan Buddhist priests wear during religious rites or rituals include: u rgyan pad zhwa, pan zhwa, tshogs zhwa, rigs inga, zhwa nag, zhwa dmar and dwags zhwa. The reason why such formal ritual hats as listed above were developed is because the region had an alpine climate, and also because they were the symbolism of Buddhism, the most reverent priest, and reincarnated Buddha thoughts. They were an essential part of the culture of dressing Buddhist statues and offering utensils. Formal ritual hats' shapes originate from lotus. They are colored in red, yellow, indigo, green, white or black, that reflect the nationality and aesthetics of Tibetans. They are mainly made of woolen or silk fabrics. They are usually decorated with gold, git bronze or jewels and the patterns of the sun and the moon, vajra or clouds.
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