• Title/Summary/Keyword: Return to Rural

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The Nature Cognition and Lyricism Reflected in the Pavilion Tablets - Focusing on the Pavilions in the Damyang Poetry Culture Area Built during in 16th Century - (누정편액(樓亭扁額)에 반영된 자연인식과 서정 - 16세기 담양 시가문화권의 누정을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Hyun-Woo;Kim, Jai-Sik
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2010
  • This research is the semantic study on the nature cognition and lyricism of pavilion builders as reflected in the pavilion tablets in the Damyang poetry culture area built during 16th century. The names of pavilions, pavilion writings and "poetry with given theme" were studied by actual site visits. The view on the nature and aesthetic awareness of the pavilion builders at the time were explored together with surrounding landscapes. Following conclusions were drawn. 1. Pavilion names borrowed phrases from the famous historical events left by the sages. Or, they took the compliment on the beautiful nature surrounding orthe academic achievement of pavilion owners as the theme, then elaborated them with thinking based on Sung Confucianism. 2. The writings of pavilion literature were the idealistic view on the nature. They think the nature and human as "object and ego are one, object and ego communicate each other, object and ego become one". 3. The nature in the 16th century was the "principle of birth-death-grow-wither" for the intellectuals. They thought that the nature is the ultimate place to return for the realization of life with self-respect. 4. The introduction of fairy land among literary activities in the pavilion was the symbolic means healing the frustrated ego. It was confirmed that they temporarily entrusted their depressed feelings by borrowing the fairy land, far from the reality. The pavilion was the space to escape from the reality and soothe the anger and discord in the reality. 5. The pavilion literature in the Damyang poetry culture area during 16th century sang their pleasure of enjoying the beautiful scenery in the rural area using their social status. The literary works also contained their agony due to the frustration of difficulty in the realization of ideal. When the intellectuals, who already mastered literature, history and philosophy, came down to rural area, built pavilions at the location with beautiful scenery, and spent time while composing poetry, it was an escape from the burden that they should take the social responsibility as the model intellectuals of the society. The pavilions in Damyang poetry-culture area during 16th century were the idealized conceptual world and the space of awareness reflecting the philosophy and thinking of the time.

Economic Feasibility of Hill Land Development (산지개발(山地開發)의 경제성)

  • Kim, Dong-Min
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.283-295
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    • 1979
  • A new Farmland Expansion and Development Promotion Law was enacted in 1975. This law authorizes the Government to undertake development within a declared "reclamation area", wherever the land owners are unable to do so. In order to give additional impetus to conversion of waste hilly land into productive farmland, these hilly land development projects were conducted as large scale scheme which include soil fertility improvements such as the application of lime and phosphate. Farmland Expansion and Development Promotion Corps has attempted to undertake annual farm surveys in order to obtain some information about hilly land agriculture and farming operations within the reclamation project areas since 1976. As survey data accumulates, more and more clear picture of hilly land farming come to appear and enable us to conduct in-depth study. Effects of such upland reclamation include converting of previously unproductive slopeland into cultivable farmland for lucrative and commercial farming or food production. Furthermore, idle or marginal resources such as farm labor, equipment and compost would be fully employed. Socio-economic effects would include increases in land value and attitude change of farmers. On the other hand the preservation of natural environments might be damaged to the some extend by the projects. As shown in Table 7, the average farm size increased from 3,156 pyeong($3.3m^2$) to 5,562 pyeong, a 76.2% increase. The proportion of small farms with less than I ha dropped from 59.8% to 34.4%, but that of the large farms over 2 ha rose from 13.1% to 32.0% (See Table 8). The survey results indicate that as the farming on reclaimed uplands become time-honored, the acreage devoted for food crop production decreases against the economic crop growing acreage (see Table 6). For example, in the case of uplands reclaimed in 1972, the ratio of food crop acreages decreased from 99.7% in 1972 to 62.5% in 1977, whereas that of economic crop acreages increased from 0.3% in 1972 to 37.5% in 1977. The government used to actively encourage the farmers to carry out food crop production in the reclaimed upland targting toward the realization of self-sufficiency in food grains. It is, however, apparent that the farmers did hardly take the government advises as far as their economic interest were concerned. Yield per 10a. of various crops from the reclaimed uplands by year were surveyed as seen in Table 12. On the average, barley production in the reclaimed areas achieved 83.3% of the average unit yield from the existing upland in its 5 th year. Soybean yields showed a modest increase from 64% in the first year to 95%, in the 5 th year. In contrast, economic crops such as red pepper, totacco and radish achieved their maximum target yields in 3 years from starting to cultivate on the reclaimed farms. In order to test the post economic viability, an economic analysis was performed for each of selected subprojects on the basis of the data obtained through survey. The average actual internal economic rate of return on upland reclamation investments was found to be 20.3% which exceeded other types of projects of land and water development such as tidal land reclamation, irrigation or paddy rearrangement. The actual IRRs of subcategories of upland reclamation projects varied from 17.9% to 21.4% depending upon the kinds of cropping system adopted in each reclaimed areas such as food, economic, fruit or forage crops.

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Space Usage and Satisfaction with Privacy in General Hospital Inpatients (종합병원 입원환자의 공간사용 및 프라이버시 만족도)

  • Choi, In Young;Park, Hey Kyung
    • Korea Science and Art Forum
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    • v.36
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    • pp.391-400
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    • 2018
  • To ensure a user-centered treatment environment, hospital construction needs an approach that is not centered on functional aspects such as efficiency or economic feasibility but on the consideration of needs as reflected in user psychology and behavior. Patients who are physically and psychologically vulnerable experience psychological pressure when they are placed in an unfamiliar environment. Most of existing studies however focus on the evaluation of the physical environment, without paying attention to the psychological or behavioral approach to anxiety and stress that patients may experience in a special environment that a hospital may be to them. This study examines general hospital inpatients to understand the usage of major space available and their satisfaction with privacy. This study provides useful primary information needed for the user-centered design of general hospital for improved patient health and welfare. For the purpose of the study, literature review, site investigation, and survey were conducted. Major functional space and privacy in general hospitals were studied, and the site investigation was performed to identify the plans and their status. Survey was also performed to understand the usage of functional space and satisfaction with such space usage as well as satisfaction with privacy. The findings were as follows: (1) Space usage was rated as average in general. It was found that patients used their rooms and lobby on a daily basis. By age, the usage was highest in the group in their 40s; the usage was relatively lower in the groups in their 30s or younger. (2) Space satisfaction was above average, indicating that patients were fairly satisfied. Satisfaction was highest in the lobby space designed with distinct features. By case, satisfaction was highest in Case B, characterized by its wide horizontal space in the rural settings. (3) Satisfaction with privacy in hospital was average, indicating that the demand for privacy was relatively higher but what patients receive in return was lower than their expectation. It was also found that satisfaction with privacy was a crucial element that affected the overall satisfaction with hospital.

An Analysis of the Visual Characteristics and Preference Factors of Traditional Landscape of Rivers in Kangnam Region of China - With a Case of River in Zhouzhuang, Jiangsu Province of China - (중국 강남 전통 수향(水鄕) 하천 경관의 시각적 특성 및 선호요인 분석 - 중국 강수성 주장(周莊) 하천경관을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Dong-Chan;Song, Mei-Jie
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.122-130
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    • 2010
  • The Study takes the rivers in Zhouzhuang - traditional Chinese Kangnam watery landscape as the object. The purpose of this study is to grasp the relationships between visual characteristics and the preference. The following is the research process: Firstly, the theoretical study of Zhouzhuang, the traditional Kangnam region in China, is conducted, the watery landscape is taken pictures, and 22 photos are selected. Secondly, in order to grasp the visual preference and landscape characteristics of the watery landscape in Zhouzhuang, 22 pictures and 25 pairs of adjectives are adopted for the questionnaire survey. Thirdly, in order to have a better understanding on the physical properties and effects of physical quantity on the preference, the occupation ratios of buildings and sculptures, natural elements, footpaths, bank revetments and other landscape elements are calculated, and the mean analysis, dispersion analysis and regression analysis are conducted. In order to grasp the landscape characteristics and preference factors, 25 pairs of adjectives are used to conduct the factor analysis. In order to grasp the effects of characteristics of visual factors on the preference, the dispersion analysis and regression analysis are carried out. The results are as follows: From the results of the landscape preference analysis, in the No.22 photo with the top preference, 11 pairs of adjectives, namely, "harmonious-disharmonious", "beautiful-ugly", "rural-urban", "soft-rough", "stable-instable", "romantic-realistic", "cheerful-gloomy", "brilliant-simple", "natural-artificial", "familiar-strange", and "clean-dirty" have positive effects on watery landscape. It can be viewed as the relatively important factor in the visual preference. In terms of the results of visual physical quantity analysis of traditional Chinese Kangnam watery landscape, the landscape with high occupation ratio of buildings and sculptures has positive effects on visual preference. The results of analysis of visual physical quantity and preference show that the preference degree increases as the occupation ratio of footpath area increases. The analysis results of visual characteristics of traditional Chinese Kangnam watery landscape identify four factors, namely psychological factor, cultural factor, condition factor and physical factor. It can be concluded from the results of analysis of the relationships between visual preference and visual characteristics that the return coefficient B of the psychological factor is +0.936. It can significantly affect the watery landscape, so it can be identified as the most important factor among the visual preference factors of Chinese Kangnam watery landscape.

Analysis of Surveys to Determine the Real Prices of Ingredients used in School Foodservice (학교급식 식재료별 시장가격 조사 실태 분석)

  • Lee, Seo-Hyun;Lee, Min A;Ryoo, Jae-Yoon;Kim, Sanghyo;Kim, Soo-Youn;Lee, Hojin
    • Korean Journal of Community Nutrition
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    • v.26 no.3
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    • pp.188-199
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    • 2021
  • Objectives: The purpose was to identify the ingredients that are usually surveyed for assessing real prices and to present the demand for such surveys by nutrition teachers and dietitians for ingredients used by school foodservice. Methods: A survey was conducted online from December 2019 to January 2020. The survey questionnaire was distributed to 1,158 nutrition teachers and dietitians from elementary, middle, and high schools nationwide, and 439 (37.9% return rate) of the 1,158 were collected and used for data analysis. Results: The ingredients which were investigated for price realities directly by schools were industrial products in 228 schools (51.8%), fruits in 169 schools (38.4%), and specialty crops in 166 schools (37.7%). Moreover, nutrition teachers and dietitians in elementary, middle, and high schools searched in different ways for the real prices of ingredients. In elementary schools, there was a high demand for price information about grains, vegetables or root and tuber crops, special crops, fruits, eggs, fishes, and organic and locally grown ingredients by the School Foodservice Support Centers. Real price information about meats, industrial products, and pickled processed products were sought from the external specialized institutions. In addition, nutrition teachers and dietitians in middle and high schools wanted to obtain prices of all of the ingredients from the Offices of Education or the District Office of Education. Conclusions: Schools want to efficiently use the time or money spent on research for the real prices of ingredients through reputable organizations or to co-work with other nutrition teachers and dietitians. The results of this study will be useful in understanding the current status of the surveys carried out to determine the real price information for ingredients used by the school foodservice.

Performance State and Improvement Countermeasure of Primary Health Care Posts (보건진료소(保健診療所)와 업무실태(業務實態)와 개선방안(改善方案))

  • Park, Young-Hee;Kam, Sin;Han, Chang-Hyun;Cha, Byung-Jun;Kim, Tae-Woong;Gie, Jung-Aie;Kim, Byong-Guk
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.353-377
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    • 2000
  • This study was performed to investigate the performance state and improvement countermeasure of Primary Health care Posts(PHPs). The operation reports of PHPs(1996 330 PHPs, 1999 313 PHPs) located in Kyongsangbuk-Do and data collected by self-administered questionnaire survey of 280 community health practitioners(CHPs) were analyzed. The major results were as follows: Population per PHP in 1999 decreased in number compared with 1996. But population of the aged increased in number. The performance status of PHP in 1999 increased compared with 1996. A hundred forty one community health practitioners(50.4%) replied that the fiscal standing of PHP was good. Only 1.4% replied that the fiscal standing of PHP was difficult. For the degree of satisfaction in affairs, overall of community health practitioners felt proud. The degree of cooperation between PHP and public health institutions was high and the degree of cooperation of between PHP and private medical institutions was high. The degree of cooperation between PHP and Health Center was significantly different by age of CHP, the service period of CHP, and CHP's service period at present PHP. Over seventy percent of CHPs replied that they had cooperative relationship with operation council, village health workers, community organization. CHPs who drew up the paper on PHP's health activity plan were 96.4 % and only 11.4% of CHPs participated drawing up the report on the second community health plan. CHPs who grasped the blood pressure and smoking status of residents over 70% were 88.2%, 63.9% respectively and the grasp rate of blood pressure fur residents were significantly different according to age and educational level of CHP. CHPs received job education in addition continuous job education arid participated on research program in last 3 years were 27.5%, respectively. CHPs performed the return health program for residents in last 3years were 65.4%. Over 95% of CHPs replied that PHPs might be necessary and 53.9% of CHPs replied that the role of PHPs should be increased. CHPS indicated that major reasons of FHPs lockout were lack of understanding for PHP and administrative convenience, CHPs were officials in special government service governors intention of self-governing body. CHPs suggested number of population in health need such as the aged and patients with chronic disease, opinion of residents, population size, traffic situation and network in order as evaluation criteria for PHP and suggested results of health performance, degree of relationship with residents, results of medical examination anti treatment, ability for administration and affairs in order as evaluation criteria for CHP. CHPs replied that the important countermeasures for PHPs under standard were affairs improvement of PHPs and shifting of location to health weakness area in city. Over 50% of CHPs indicated that the most important thing for improvement of PHPs was affairs adjustment of CLIP. And CHPs suggested that health programs carried out in priority at PHP were management of diabetes mellitus and hypertention. home visiting health care, health care for the aged. The Affairs of BLIP should be adjusted to satisfy community health need and health programs such as management of diabetes mellitus and hypertention, home visiting health care, health care for the aged should be activated in order that PHPs become organization reflecting value system of primary health care.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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