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A Time Sequential Research on Changes in Jangchungdan Park during the Period of Japanese Colonial Rule (일제강점기 장충단공원 변화에 관한 시계열적 연구)

  • Kim, Hai-Gyoung;Choui, Hyun-Im
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.31 no.4
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    • pp.95-112
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    • 2013
  • Jangchungdan Park is now perceived as a mere park at the foot of Namsan mountain, but originally it was created to commemorate soldiers of Korean Empire on a site which name was Namsoyeong(南小營) during Joseon Dynasty. During the period of Japanese colonial rule, it was transformed into a park due to the rapidly changing circumstances, so the components expressing the validity of the colonial rule were introduced into the park. This paper examines the time sequential changes of Jangchungdan Park during the period of Japanese colonial rule, and the conclusions can be summarized as given below. Firstly, the park originally was a space to commemorate the soldiers who fought for the Korean Empire. It was built on formerly restricted area at the foot of Namsan Mountain in 1900, and it was arranged putting the ceremonial shrine Dansa (壇祠) as a central building and the annexes in the surroundings of it. The memorial ceremonies were held regularly in spring and autumn until 1909. Secondly, it became a city park for citizens of Gyeongseong-bu(the name of Seoul under the Japanese colonial rule). The authorities of Gyeongseong-bu reorganized Jangchungdan as a park in 1919, prohibited the performance of memorial ceremonies, and the existing buildings except the ceremonial shrine Dansa began to be used as park management facilities. Resting areas and amenities were supplemented for the usage of people from various backgrounds, and the large scale planting of cherry trees made the park a famous place to enjoy cherry-blossoms and other flowers in spring. Thirdly, it was reconstructed as a space to honor the influential personalities of Japanese colonial system. In 1932, Bankmun temple (博文寺) to commemorate Ito Hirobumi was constructed at a location that made it possible for a number of people to overlook Jangchungdan area. During that time, the buildings of traditional Joseon architecture were removed and reconstructed to serve as annexes to Bankmun temple. Due to the strategy to make Jangchungdan park a tourist attraction, Bankmun temple was included into the Gyeongseong sightseeing course, since the wide panorama of Jangchungdan Park and the whole city of Gyeongseong was opening from the temple. Various different components were introduced into Jangchungdan Park due to the rapidly changing circumstances; therefore the nature of the park was either altered or reproduced. Hopefully, the park rearrangement works will be executed paying respects to the memories of the past hereafter.

Notes on the Status and Conservation of Callipogon Relictus Semenov in Korea (장수하늘소 현황 및 보전방안)

  • An, Seung Lak
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.43 no.1
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    • pp.260-279
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    • 2010
  • The analysis on bibliography and field investigation of Callipogon relictus Semenov, 1898 (Korean natural monument number 218) shows that the size varies from country to country, and Korean specimens, for which male is 85~120mm and female is 65~85mm, are found to be the largest. The average diameter and length of egg are 2.60mm and 6.72mm respectively. The larva has milky color and is about 100~150mm in length. The pupa is nearly 70~110mm. An adult generally appears from June to September in Korea in the broadleaf forest of lowland, whereas it appears from June to July in China. It is known that the pupa largely feed on the old tree trunk of Carpinus laxiflora (Siebold & Zucc.) blume in Korea, but no such data have been reported in China and Russia, showing differences in host plants. While the larva period is not exactly known in Korea, it is reported to be two years in China. It appears that the species inhabits in very limited regions of approximately between geographical latitude $37.5^{\circ}{\sim}47.8^{\circ}$ and longitude $126^{\circ}{\sim}140^{\circ}$ including Korea, China and Russia. To conserve the long-horned beetle in Korea, this research drew out following some conclusions through analyzing the references and field survey data. First, it need to perform precise survey on the natural environment of occurring and collected area or place including host plant kinds, temperate, humidity, latitude, longitude etc. Second, habitat region must be designated as a restricted development area, and it need to exclude or reduce the damage factors to prosper reproduction of the species. Third, it is necessary to keep loosing cautiously artificial breeding individuals in the reported sites, not disturbing scope of natural populations. Fourth, it needs to educate or publicize many people importance and value of this species through many methods.

Habitat Quality Analysis and Evaluation of InVEST Model Using QGIS - Conducted in 21 National Parks of Korea - (QGIS를 이용한 InVEST 모델 서식지질 분석 및 평가 - 21개 국립공원을 대상으로 -)

  • Jang, Jung-Eun;Kwon, Hye-Yeon;Shin, Hae-seon;Lee, Sang-Cheol;Yu, Byeong-hyeok;Jang, Jin;Choi, Song-Hyun
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.36 no.1
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    • pp.102-111
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    • 2022
  • Among protected areas, National Parks are rich in biodiversity, and the benefits of ecosystem services provided to human are higher than the others. Ecosystem service evaluation is being used to manage the value of national parks based on objective and scientific data. Ecosystem services are classified into four services: supporting, provisioning, regulating and cultural. The purpose of this study is to evaluate habitat quality among supporting services. Habitat Quality Model of InVEST was used to analyze. The coefficients of sensitivity and habitat initial value were reset by reflecting prior studies and the actual conditions of protected areas. Habitat quality of 21 national parks except Hallasan National Park was analyzed and mapped. The value of habitat quality was evaluated to be between 0 and 1, and the closer it is to 1, the more natural it is. As a result of habitat quality analysis, Seoraksan and Taebaeksan National Parks (0.90), Jirisan and Odaesan National Parks (0.89), and Sobaeksan National Park (0.88) were found to be the highest in the order. As a result of comparing the area and habitat quality of 18 national parks except for coastal-marine national parks, the larger the area, the higher the overall habitat quality. Comparing the value of habitat quality of each zone, the value of habitat quality was high in the order of the park nature preservation zone, the park nature environmental zone, the park cultural heritage zone, and the park village zone. Considering both the analysis of habitat quality and the legal regulations for each zone of use, it is judged that the more artificial acts are restricted, the higher the habitat quality. This study is meaningful in analyzing habitat quality of 21 National Parks by readjusting the parameters according to the situation of protected areas in Korea. It is expected to be easy to intuitively understand through accurate data and mapping, and will be useful in making policy decisions regarding the development and preservation of protected areas in the future.

The Impacts of Exclusion from Natural Park Districts by Park Re-planning on Prices and Construction Activities of Private Lands (자연공원 재계획에 따른 공원구역 해제가 사유지 지가와 건축행위에 미치는 영향)

  • Sung-Woon Hong;Woo Cho;Chan-Yong Sung
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.38 no.4
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    • pp.416-425
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    • 2024
  • This study aims to analyze the changes in land prices and building construction activities before and after exclusion from park district as results of natural park re-planning. Seoraksan National Park, Namhansanseong Provincial Park, and Cheonmasan County Park were selected as study areas, and prices and construction activities were compared between areas remaining in and areas excluded from park districts for ten years after park re-planning. Land prices increased in all three study parks. The largest difference in land prices between remaining and excluded areas occurred in Cheonmasan City Park. Land price increased more in excluded than remaining areas in Seoraksan National Park. Unlike these two parks, the changes in land prices were not much different between remaining and excluded areas in Namhansanseong Provincial Park, which can be attributed to the facts that 1) provincial parks were already developed to certain level even before the exclusion due to its less stringent land use regulation than national parks, and 2) that Namhansanseong Provincial Park was also designated as Restricted Development Zone that has similar land use regulation level to natural parks. Comparison between building density measures before and after exclusion shows that development density generally increased after the exclusion. Building heights mostly increased during 10 years after the exclusion. Building to land ratios and floor area ratios also increased. However, building to land ratios and floor area ratios increased only slightly in Namhansanseong Provincial Park and Cheonmasan City Park, suggesting that in provincial and city parks, land development already occurred as a result of less stringent land use regulation. In conclusion, a national park system significantly restricts property right in natural parks, especially in national parks, which make it difficult to expand existing natural parks and/or establish new natural parks. A remedy for resolving problems related to private lands, such as increasing budget for purchasing private lands and introducing park facilities for local community is urgently required.

Tc-99m ECD Brain SPECT in MELAS Syndrome and Mitochondrial Myopathy: Comparison with MR findings (MELAS 증후군과 미토콘드리아 근육병에서의 Tc-99m ECD 뇌단일 광전자방출 전산화단층촬영 소견: 자기공명영상과의 비교)

  • Park, Sang-Joon;Ryu, Young-Hoon;Jeon, Tae-Joo;Kim, Jai-Keun;Nam, Ji-Eun;Yoon, Pyeong-Ho;Yoon, Choon-Sik;Lee, Jong-Doo
    • The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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    • v.32 no.6
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    • pp.490-496
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    • 1998
  • Purpose: We evaluated brain perfusion SPECT findings of MELAS syndrome and mitochondrial myopathy in correlation with MR imaging in search of specific imaging features. Materials and Methods: Subjects were five patients (four females and one male; age range, 1 to 25 year) who presented with repeated stroke-like episodes, seizures or developmental delay or asymptomatic but had elevated lactic acid in CSF and serum. Conventional non-contrast MR imaging and Tc-99m-ethyl cysteinate dimer (ECD) brain perfusion SPECT were Performed and imaging features were analyzed. Results: MRI demonstrated increased T2 signal intensities in the affected areas of gray and white matters mainly in the parietal (4/5) and occipital lobes (4/5) and in the basal ganglia (1/5), which were not restricted to a specific vascular territory. SPECT demonstrated decreased perfusion in the corresponding regions of MRI lesions. In addition, there were perfusion defects in parietal (1 patient), temporal (2), and frontal (1) lobes and basal ganglia (1) and thalami (2). In a patient with mitochondrial myopathy who had normal MRI, decreased perfusion was noted in left parietal area and bilateral thalami. Conclusion: Tc-99m ECD SPECT imaging in patients with MELAS syndrome and mitochondrial myopathy showed hypoperfusion of parieto-occipital cortex, basal ganglia, thalamus and temporal cortex, which were not restricted to a specific vascular territory. There were no specific imaging features on SPECT. The significance of abnormal perfusion on SPECT without corresponding MR abnormalities needs to be evaluated further in larger number of patients.

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Mineralogy and Geochemistry of the Jeonheung and Oksan Pb-Zn-Cu Deposits, Euiseong Area (의성(義城)지역 전흥(田興) 및 옥산(玉山) 열수(熱水) 연(鉛)-아연(亞鉛)-동(銅) 광상(鑛床)에 관한 광물학적(鑛物學的)·지화학적(地化學的) 연구(硏究))

  • Choi, Seon-Gyu;Lee, Jae-Ho;Yun, Seong-Taek;So, Chil-Sup
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.25 no.4
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    • pp.417-433
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    • 1992
  • Lead-zinc-copper deposits of the Jeonheung and the Oksan mines around Euiseong area occur as hydrothermal quartz and calcite veins that crosscut Cretaceous sedimentary rocks of the Gyeongsang Basin. The mineralization occurred in three distinct stages (I, II, and III): (I) quartz-sulfides-sulfosalts-hematite mineralization stage; (II) barren quartz-fluorite stage; and (III) barren calcite stage. Stage I ore minerals comprise pyrite, chalcopyrite, sphalerite, galena and Pb-Ag-Bi-Sb sulfosalts. Mineralogies of the two mines are different, and arsenopyrite, pyrrhotite, tetrahedrite and iron-rich (up to 21 mole % FeS) sphalerite are restricted to the Oksan mine. A K-Ar radiometric dating for sericite indicates that the Pb-Zn-Cu deposits of the Euiseong area were formed during late Cretaceous age ($62.3{\pm}2.8Ma$), likely associated with a subvolcanic activity related to the volcanic complex in the nearby Geumseongsan Caldera and the ubiquitous felsite dykes. Stage I mineralization occurred at temperatures between > $380^{\circ}C$ and $240^{\circ}C$ from fluids with salinities between 6.3 and 0.7 equiv. wt. % NaCl. The chalcopyrite deposition occurred mostly at higher temperatures of > $300^{\circ}C$. Fluid inclusion data indicate that the Pb-Zn-Cu ore mineralization resulted from a complex history of boiling, cooling and dilution of ore fluids. The mineralization at Jeonheung resulted mainly from cooling and dilution by an influx of cooler meteoric waters, whereas the mineralization at Oksan was largely due to fluid boiling. Evidence of fluid boiling suggests that pressures decreased from about 210 bars to 80 bars. This corresponds to a depth of about 900 m in a hydrothermal system that changed from lithostatic (closed) toward hydrostatic (open) conditions. Sulfur isotope compositions of sulfide minerals (${\delta}^{34}S=2.9{\sim}9.6$ per mil) indicate that the ${\delta}^{34}S_{{\Sigma}S}$ value of ore fluids was ${\approx}8.6$ per mil. This ${\delta}^{34}S_{{\Sigma}S}$ value is likely consistent with an igneous sulfur mixed with sulfates (?) in surrounding sedimentary rocks. Measured and calculated hydrogen and oxygen isotope values of ore-forming fluids suggest meteoric water dominance, approaching unexchanged meteoric water values. Equilibrium thermodynamic interpretation indicates that the temperature versus $fs_2$ variation of stage I ore fluids differed between the two mines as follows: the $fs_2$ of ore fluids at Jeonheung changed with decreasing temperature constantly near the pyrite-hematite-magnetite sulfidation curve, whereas those at Oksan changed from the pyrite-pyrrhotite sulfidation state towards the pyrite-hematite-magnetite state. The shift in minerals precipitated during stage I also reflects a concomitant $fo_2$ increase, probably due to mixing of ore fluids with cooler, more oxidizing meteoric waters. Thermodynamic consideration of copper solubility suggests that the ore-forming fluids cooled through boiling at Oksan and mixing with less-evolved meteoric waters at Jeonheung, and that this cooling was the main cause of copper deposition through destabilization of copper chloride complexes.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Characteristics of Fish Fauna Collected from Near Estuaries Bank and Fish-way on the Bank of Naktong River (낙동강 하구둑 수역의 어류 군집구조와 어도 이용 어류)

  • Kang, Eon-Jong;Yang, Hyeon;Lee, Heung-Hun;Kim, Kwang-Sug;Kim, Chi-Hong
    • Korean Journal of Ichthyology
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    • v.24 no.3
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    • pp.201-219
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    • 2012
  • The estuaries bank of Nakdong River, Korea, was constructed in 1987 and many arguments have been under discussion on the subject of ecological impact on ecosystem during 20 years. In this context, however, it was not focused on the role of fish-way and the way of improvement to promote fish movement to complete its life history. This paper was the result of investigation on fish fauna of upper and lower part of the bank and the analysis of comparison of the fishes with those using fish-way which were installed in each side of bank as ladder type and fish gate. The authors discussed the importance of fish gate and its management base on the result. The number of fishes collected in this study for upper part of estuaries bank was 31 species, among them 71% was the pure freshwater residents indicating the characteristics of the area as a freshwater ecosystem. It was observed that 9 species of coastal fishes were found in this region including Coilia ectens and Neosalanx sp. which is anadromous to spawn. Excluding 6 freshwater fishes, 30 fish species collected in lower part of estuaries bank were coastal fishes indicating that former brackish ecosystem was changed into marine one. The freshwater fishes found in this region were restricted the appearance only in the season of discharging freshwater into the sea. The number of fishes found in fish-way was 39 species, more than that of river and coast. But only 19 species founded in fish ladder was comparable with the result of investigation on fish gate including 32 species. It was considered that the fish gate has more important role as a fish passage from the fact that only it allowed to movement of numerous number of fry of Neosalanx sp. and Engraulis japonicus. These results indicates that two-way movement system is more efficient than downward only one in estuaries bank for fish migration.

Spatial Genetic Structure of Needle Fir(Abies holophylla Seedlings on the Forest Gap Within a Needle Fir Forest at Mt. Odae in Korea) (오대산(五臺山) 전나무림(林)의 숲틈에서 발생(發生)된 전나무 치수(稚樹)들의 공간적(空間的) 유전구조(遺傳構造))

  • Hong, Kyung-Nak;Choi, Young Cheol;Kang, Bum-Yong;Hong, Yong-Pyo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.90 no.4
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    • pp.565-572
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    • 2001
  • The spatial genetic structure of Needle fir(Abies holophylla Max.) seedlings on forest gap within a Needle fir forest at Mt. Odae in Korea was analyzed on the basis of ISSR(inter-simple sequence repeats) marker analysis. The gap size was $1,500m^2(50m{\times}30m)$, and we sampled 416 one- or two-year-old seedlings by 2m intervals. Some trees at the upper crown layer except Needle firs and all trees at the middle and lower crown layers were removed, and Needle firs at the upper crown layer showed very weak growth strength or to be withering to death. The results of spatial autocorrelation using 31 polymorphic ISSR markers revealed that it was genetically homogeneous within spatial distance of 15.6m and the randomness of genetic distribution was from 15.6m to 31.2m. The genetic patch size of seedlings in forest gap might be restricted by the density of mother trees, making allow for the average height of adult Needle firs, the seed dispersal area, and the average distance between adults. For the directionality of seedling distribution, we investigated the variography using 'genetic configuration' which was the value of configuration in Multidimensional Scaling by genetic distance. In directional variogram, the increment of spatial distance from East to West direction was inversely proportional to genetic homogeneity. We presumed that this anisotrophy of seedling distribution at this forest gap resulted from the directionality of seed dispersal rather than the difference of fecundity between mother trees or the microhabitat variation, taking the evenness of forest floor condition, a vast seed production and the random distribution of seedlings at the studied site into consideration.

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MORPHOLOGY OF THE TERMINAL ARBORS FROM THE MASSETERIC MUSCLE SPINDLE AFFERENTS IN THE TRIGEMINAL MOTOR NUCLEUS (삼차신경 운동핵에서 교근 근방추 구심성 신경섬유 종말지의 미세구조)

  • Lee, Kyung-Woo;Bae, Yong-Chul;Kim, Chin-Soo
    • Maxillofacial Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery
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    • v.16 no.3
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    • pp.321-347
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    • 1994
  • Muscle spindle afferents from masseter muscle were labelled by the intra-axonal HRP injection and were processed for light microscopic reconstruction. Regions containing terminal arbors scattered in the central portion of the masseteric motor neuron pool (type I a) and those restricted to 2-3 small portion of it (type II) were selected and processed for electronmicroscopic analysis with serial sections. The shape of the labelled boutons was dome or elongated shape. Scalloped or glomerulus shape with peripherial indentation containing pre or postsynaptic neuronal propiles, which is occasionally found in the trigeminal main sensory nucleus and spinal dorsal horn, was not observed. Both type Ia and type II boutons had pale axoplasm and contained clear, spherical vesicles of uniform size(dia : 49-52nm) and occasionally large dense cored vesicles(dia : 87-118nm). The synaptic vesicles were evenly distributed throughout the boutons although there was a slight tendency of vesicles to accumulate at the presynaptic site. The average of short and long diameter(short D. + long D./2) of type I a bouton was smaller than that of type II bouton. All the labelled boutons, which showed prominent postsynaptic density, large synaptic area and multiple synaptic contact, made asymmetrical synaptic contact with postsynaptic neuronal propiles. Most of the type Ia and type II boutons made synaptic contact with only one neuronal propile and boutons which shows synaptic contact or more neuronal propiles was not observed. Most of the type Ia boutons(87.2%) were presynaptic to the soma or proximal dendrite and a few remainder(12.8%) made synaptic contact with dendritic shaft or distal dendrite. In contrast, majority of type II boutons showed synaptic contact with dendritic shaft and remainder with soma or proximal dendrite. In conclusion, terminal boutons which participate in the excitatory monosynaptic jaw jerk reflex made synaptic contact with more proximal region of the neuron, and showed very simple synaptic connection, compared with those from the primary afferenst in the other region of the central nervous system such as spinal dorsal horn and trigeminal main sensory nucleus which assumed to be responsible for the mediating pain, tactile sensation, sensory processing or sensory discrimination.

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