• Title/Summary/Keyword: Research Culture

Search Result 14,995, Processing Time 0.063 seconds

Evaluation of anti-inflammatory efficacy of Lacticaseibacillus rhamnosus L22-FR28 (KACC 92513P) isolated from infant feces and its Oenanthe javanica ferments (영아분변 유래 Lacticaseibacillus rhamnosus L22-FR28(KACC 92513P) 균주와 미나리 발효물의 항염증 효능 평가)

  • Seoyeon Kwak;Hee-Min Gwon;Soo-Hwan Yeo;So-Young Kim
    • Food Science and Preservation
    • /
    • v.31 no.3
    • /
    • pp.474-485
    • /
    • 2024
  • The purposes of this study were to isolate the potential Lacticaseibacillus spp. from the feces of infants before weaning, to investigate the safety of antibiotics resistance and beta-haemolysis, and to evaluate the anti-bacterial and anti-inflammatory effects between the selected strains and Oenanthe javanica (Oj) fermented by them. As a result of analyzing the intestinal microbial community among the stools of four infants, the genus Bifidobacterium was the most dominant, but Lacticaseibacillus (L.) rhamnosus was the most frequently isolated because of the easy culture. Nine test strains, including Lactobacillus rhamnosus LGG (ATCC 53103) as the positive control, were sensitive against 8 kinds of antibiotics without vancomycin in comparison with the cut-off values at the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA), and there was no hemolysis. In the antibacterial activity experiment, the Lacticaseibacillus rhamnosus L22-FR28 (L28, KACC 92513P) strain and Oj+L28 ferment showed significantly (p<0.05) higher activities than LGG against Bacillus cereus and Staphylococcus aureus. Additionally, these decreased the activity of the NF-kB/AP-1 transcription factor and inhibited the nitric oxide and cytokines (TNF-α and IL-6) produced in macrophage RAW cells stimulated by lipopolysaccharide (LPS). Consequently, the L. rhamnosus L28 strain and Oenanthe javanica+L. rhamnosus L28 (Oj+L28) ferment selected with the high anti-inflammatory effect will improve health functionality after more research, such as the verification of animal level and identification of mechanism on an anti-inflammatory.

A Study on the Mind Theory of the JeongJae School of Cho Geung-seop and the Hanju school of Kwak Jong-seok (정재학파 조긍섭과 한주학파 곽종석의 심론 고찰)

  • An Yoo-kyoung
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
    • /
    • v.49
    • /
    • pp.295-329
    • /
    • 2024
  • This article reveals their theoretical differences by examining the interpretation of the mind theory of Cho Geung-seop (1873~1933) and Kwak Jong-seok (1846~1919). The characteristic of Cho Geung-seop's mind theory is that it is simhapligi (心合理氣 the mind is a combination of principles and internal energy). It is a position to recognize the role and status of Gi as an action while also acknowledging Li as the presidency of mind. In this theory, Li can exist only when there is Gi, and the presidency mind is thereby possible. For this reason, Cho Geung-seop criticized Kwak Jong-seok, who insisted on simjeokli (心卽理 the mind is precisely principles) from the perspective of simhapligi. The characteristic of Kwak Jong-seok's theory of mind lies in simjeokli. Although the mind is not without Gi, it is because of Li that the mind can preside over one body such that it can be described as simjeokli. Accordingly, Kwak Jong-seok criticized Cho Geung-seop, who insisted on simhapligi from the perspective of simjeokli. In addition, their theories of mind leads to problems of perception, such as whether to see perception as a Gi or a Li. If Cho Geung-seop could be said to have interpreted the perception of deliberation as spiritual Gi, then Kwak Jong-seok interpreted the perception as spiritual Li. According to Cho Geung-seop, the perception of mind is possible due to "spiritual Gi," and at this time, the action of spiritual Gi is the perception of the mind. In the end, there is a perception action corresponding to spiritual Gi. Thereby, the mind should not be interpreted directly as a Li in Kwak Jong-seok's theory. According to Kwak Jong-seok, perception is possible by applying the novelty of Li to the mind. The perception of mind is not the action of spiritual Gi as it is in Cho Geung-seop's model, but it is rather the result of spiritual Li making it new. Accordingly, Kwak Jong-seok criticized Cho Geung-seop for not knowing simjeokli properly because he understood the perception of mind as an action of Gi.

Diglossia of Literature in the Middle Ages and Literacy Education: - Hwang Jini and Heo Nanseolheon in the 16th century- (중세 양층언어문학과 문식성 교육 - 16세기 허난설헌과 황진이의 사례를 중심으로 -)

  • 정소연
    • Journal of Korean Language Education
    • /
    • no.42
    • /
    • pp.323-368
    • /
    • 2018
  • This study is based on the view point of diglossia that Chinese writing held a higher position than Korean language in the Joseon Dynasty, especially during the 16th century. Diglossic writers were focus on and the implication of diglossia in literacy education was examined. In particular, the diglossic literary features of Korean poetry and songs were examined, with a focus on differences in the authors' gender: female(Hwang Jini and Heo Nanseolheon) and male (Lee Hwang, Jeong Cheol and others). In the case of diglossic literature written by male poets, their Hansi and Sijo had quite different subjects. In addition, their Hansi, which was the exclusive property of noblemen, was largely based on their lives. However, the female poet Heo Nanseolheon covered wider range of subjects and used the first-person point of view, even when the content was not based on her actual life. In particular, she wrote Hansi as lyrics for Korean songs and thus, some of her Hansi can be enjoyed through singing. This differs considerably from the work of male diglossic writers. Furthermore, this tendency can be seen in the history of Hansi after the 18th century. Another female poet, Hwang Jini free from Neo-Confucianism, depicted her free thoughts and expressions in Sijo and reflected various poetic speakers' situations in both Sijo and Hansi. This is especially interesting since women were considered to be of lower social class at that time; these two female poets did not just refuse to follow the writing patterns of male noblemen, they also applied the characteristics of Korean poetry and songs to Hansi and disrupted the traditional characteristics of Hansi. In current education, the 2015 revised national curriculum put emphasize on understanding not only the scope of functional literacy, but also the principle for enhancing critical perception with respect to understanding the ways of communication of power and hierarchical structure. This can be considered a good principle, although mainstream literature does not pay attention to it. In addition, it can be applied through self-internalization and an acceptance of literature in school education by using the spoken language culture that students generally prefer in digital media. Highlighting the perception of advantages and characteristics, when minority statuses are linked to artistic freedoms to flout current prevailing values and cultural tendencies, can enhance not only classical literature literacy but also improve students' characteristics and competency.

A Study on the Liturgical Vestments of Catholic-With reference to the Liturgical Vestments Firm of Paderborn and kevelaer in Germany (카톨릭교 전례복에 관한 연구-독일 Paderborn 과 kevelaer의 전례복 회사를 중심으로)

  • Yang, Ri-Na
    • The Journal of Natural Sciences
    • /
    • v.7
    • /
    • pp.133-162
    • /
    • 1995
  • Paderborn's companies, Wameling and Cassau, produce the liturgical vestments, which have much traditional artistic merit. And Kevelaerer Fahnen + Paramenten GmbH, located in Kevelater which is a place of pilgrimage of the Virgin Mary, was known to Europe, Africa, America and the Scandinavia Peninsula as the "Hidden Company" of liturgical vesments maker up to now. Paderborn and Kevelaer were the place of the center of the religious world and the Catholic ceremony during a good few centries. The Catholic liturgical vestiments of these 3 companies use versatile design, color, shape and techniques. These have not only the symbolism of religion, but also can meet our's expectations of utilization of modern textile art, art clothing and wide-all division of design. These give the understanding of symbolic meanings and harmony according to liturgical vestments to the believers. And these have an influence on mental thinking and induction of religious belief to the non-believers as the recognition and concerns about the religious art. The liturgical vestments are clothes which churchmen put on at the all ceremonial function of a mass, a sacrament, performance and a parade according to rules of church. These show the represen-tation of "Holy God" in silence and distinguish between common people and churchmen. And these represent a status and dignity of churchmen and induce majesty and respect to churchmen. Common clothes of the beginning of the Greece and Rome was developed to Christian clothes with the tendency of religion. There were no special uniforms distinguished from commen people until the Christianity was recognized officially by the Roman Emperor Constantinus at A.D.313. The color of liturgical vestments was originally white and changed to special colors according to liturgical day and each time by the Pope Innocentius at 12th century. The color and symbolic meaning of the liturgical vestments of present day was originated by the Pope St. Pius(1566-1572). Wool and Linen was used as decorations and materials in the beginnings and the special materials like silk was used after 4th century and beautiful materials made of gold thread was used at 12th century. It is expected that there is no critical changes to the liturgical vestments of future. But the development of liturgical vestments will continues slowly by the command of conservative church and will change to simple and convenient formes according to the culture, the trend of the times and the fashion of clothes. The companies of liturgical vestments develop versatile design, embroidery technique and realization of creative design for distinction of the liturgical vestments of each company and artistic progress. The cooperation of companies, artists and church will make the bright future of these 3 companies. We expect that our country will be a famous producing center of the liturgical vestments through the research and development of companies, participation of artists in religeous arts and concerts of church.

  • PDF

Influence of Fertilizer Type on Physiological Responses during Vegetative Growth in 'Seolhyang' Strawberry (생리적 반응이 다른 비료 종류가 '설향' 딸기의 영양생장에 미치는 영향)

  • Lee, Hee Su;Jang, Hyun Ho;Choi, Jong Myung;Kim, Dae Young
    • Horticultural Science & Technology
    • /
    • v.33 no.1
    • /
    • pp.39-46
    • /
    • 2015
  • Objective of this research was to investigate the influence of compositions and concentrations of fertilizer solutions on the vegetative growth and nutrient uptake of 'Seolhyang' strawberry. To achieve this, the solutions of acid fertilizer (AF), neutral fertilizer (NF), and basic fertilizer (BF) were prepared at concentrations of 100 or $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$ based on N and applied during the 100 days after transplanting. The changes in chemical properties of the soil solution were analysed every two weeks, and crop growth measurements as well as tissue analyses for mineral contents were conducted 100 days after fertilization. The growth was the highest in the treatments with BF, followed by those with NF and AF. The heaviest fresh and dry weights among treatments were 151.3 and 37.8 g, respectively, with BF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$. In terms of tissue nutrient contents, the highest N, P and Na contents, of 3.08, 0.54, and 0.10%, respectively, were observed in the treatment with NF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$. The highest K content was 2.83%, in the treatment with AF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$, while the highest Ca and Mg were 0.98 and 0.42%, respectively, in BF $100mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$. The AF treatments had higher tissue Fe, Mn, Zn, and Cu contents compared to those of NF or BF when fertilizer concentrations were controlled to equal. During the 100 days after fertilization, the highest and lowest pH in soil solution of root media among all treatments tested were 6.67 in BF $100mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$ and 4.69 in AF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$, respectively. The highest and lowest ECs were $5.132dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in BF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$ and $1.448dS{\cdot}m^{-1}$ in BF $100mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$, respectively. For the concentrations of macronutrients in the soil solution of root media, the AF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$ treatment gave the highest $NH_4$ concentrations followed by NF $200mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$ and AF $100mg{\cdot}L^{-1}$. The K concentrations in all treatments rose gradually after day 42 in all treatments. When fertilizer concentrations were controlled to equal, the highest Ca and Mg concentrations were observed in AF followed by NF and BF until day 84 in fertilization. The BF treatments produced the highest $NO_3$ concentrations, followed by NF and AF. The trends in the change of $PO_4$ concentration were similar in all treatments. The $SO_4$ concentrations were higher in treatments with AF than those with NF or BF until day 70 in fertilization. These results indicate that compositions of fertilizer solution should to be modified to contain more alkali nutrients when 'Seolhyang' strawberry is cultivated through inert media and nutri-culture systems.

King Sejo's Establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple and Its Semantics (세조의 원각사13층석탑 건립과 그 의미체계)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
    • /
    • v.101
    • /
    • pp.12-46
    • /
    • 2022
  • Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

Studies on the growth duration and hybrid sterility in remote cross breeding of cultivated rice (수도원연품종간잡종에 있어서의 생육일수와 불임에 관한 연구)

  • Mun-Hue Heu
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
    • /
    • v.4 no.1
    • /
    • pp.31-71
    • /
    • 1968
  • To clarify the breeding behavior of the hybrids between tropical and temperate area rice varieties, investigations were made on heading days and grain sterility. In this study, crosses were made in half way diallel involving 7 varieties: 2 photoperied sensitive Indicas, 2 less sensitive intermediate Indicas, 1 Ponlai Japonica and 2 high temperature sensitive Japonicas. The parents and $F_1$s were grown under 10 hours and 14 hours daylength controlled conditions at both IRRI(International Rice Research Institute, N$14^{\circ}$17') and Suwon(N$37^{\circ}$16'). F2s with their parents were grown at IRRI in the short day season, and at Suwon under natural conditions. Fa lines with their parents were grown at Suwon under natural conditions. Observations were made for heading days and sterility. The results are summarized as follow; 1. Heading days : 1. For the $F_1$s, earliness showed dominance or overdominance to lateness under the 10 hours condition, and dominance or partial dominance under the 14 hours conditions, at both IRRI and Suwon. 2. For the $F_2$s grown at IRRI during the shortday season earliness appeared to be dominant over lateness and segregation was not distinct and continuous. In the early season culture of $F_2$s at Suwon earliness showed partial dominance or was intermediate. In the proper season culture of $F_2$s lateness showed partial dominance or was intermediate. 3. In the combinations between late parental varieties which do not head at Suwon, transgressive segregants bearing effective panicles were obtained. 4. The crosses of parental varieties having long basic vegetative growth duration showed bigger variance in heading days, and significant correlation was found between of parental varieties and the mean coefficient of variance for parental arrays. 5. The means of heading days of F2 populations were significantly correlated with those of $F_1$ or mid-parents. The means of F 8 lines were also highly correlated with the means of $F_2$s, but, the means of $F_3$ lines grown at Suwon and of their parental $F_2$ individual, grown at IRRI were not correlated. 6. A faint heritability was calculated from the regression of $F_3$ lines grown at Suwon on the $F_2$ individuals grown at IRRI for most combinations, especially in the combinations involving shortday sensitive varieties. This implies low efficiency for the selection of heading days of $F_2$ individuals at IRRI to be grown in lines at Suwon. 7. No significant reciprocal effects were measured for $F_1$ and $F_2$ mean heading days. 8. Partitioning the observed photoperiod sensitivity. into two components, parental array mean md the deviation from this array mean, the parental photoperiod sensitivity contributing to the hybrids was measured in terms of general and specific combining ability for photoperiod sensitivity. 9. The photoperiod sensitivity of $F_1$s was higher than that of the parents, and it decreased as the generation progressed in most combinations of tested varieties. 10. The response of heading days to difference of temperature was weaker for $F_1$ hybrids than for the parents. The differences of temperature responses between the longday and shortday treatments were specific for the variety. 2. Sterility : 1. The $F_1$ sterility was specific for the combinations and not correlated to the parental sterility. The sterility of $F_1$s grown under the 10 hours condition was higher than of those grown under 14 hours. These results were the same at both locations, IRRI and Suwon. 2. The high sterile combinations in $F_1$ showed high sterility in $F_2$. The combinations between a high photoperiod sensitive variety and a high temperature sensitive variety showed high sterility and wider variance. 3. The mean sterility of $F_2$s was lower than of $F_1$s and the mean of $F_3$ lines was lower than of $F_2$s. Sterility decreased as the generation progressed, and the differences of $F_3$ sterility of different combinations were not significant. 4. A faint correlation between grain sterility and pollen sterility was observed in $F_2$ populations. 5. No significant reciprocal effects were measured in $F_1$ and $F_2$ sterility. 6. Following Griffing's method, specific combining ability effects were higher than general combining ability effects, especially in the combinations between highly photoperiod sensitive varieties and highly temperature sensitive varieties. 7. No distinct correlations were found between $F_2$ individual sterility grown at IRRI and $F_3$ line sterility grown at Suwon. 8. No distinct correlations were observed between heading days and sterility of $F_2$ individuals.

  • PDF

Characteristic on the Layout and Semantic Interpretation of Chungryu-Gugok, Dongaksan Mountain, Gokseong (곡성 동악산 청류구곡(淸流九曲)의 형태 및 의미론적 특성)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Shin, Sang-Sup;Huh, Joon;Lee, Jung-Han;Han, Sang-Yub
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.32 no.4
    • /
    • pp.24-36
    • /
    • 2014
  • The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).

The influence with buddhist music appearing in PanYeombul out of Ogu exorcism of East coast - focused on the song by Kim Janggil - (동해안 오구굿 중 판염불에 나타난 불교음악의 영향 - 김장길의 소리를 중심으로 -)

  • Seo, Jeong-mae
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
    • /
    • no.34
    • /
    • pp.277-313
    • /
    • 2017
  • This study is to find out the correlation with buddhist music after analyzing the rhythm of six pieces of PanYeombul sung by Kim Janggil out of Ogu exorcism of East coast the findings summarized are as follows. First, PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, performed on Oct, 16, 2016, was composed of , , , , , , , , , , and . Still, even if PanYeombul is performed by the same male shaman, the composition can be added or left out depending on some circumstances, which means the procedures are flexible. Seeing that there is common component of in additoin to compared with Kimyongtaek, it can be said that the component of is an important part in PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast Second, is usually referred to 'SinmyojangguDaedalani' in buddhist ritual, While Kim yongtaek accepts this practice in title, Kim Janggil uses 'YeomhwajangguDaedalani' as the title which makes his song different from others. Yeomhwa means "picking up flowers with fingers" which has been used in buddhism, not in common Considering this fact, the conclusion can be reached that by using the term 'Daedalani' from a buddhist chant, but making differentiation from buddhism, Kim Janggil is making the effort to be different from buddhist rituals. give some unique meaning to shaman rituals. Third, PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast may be divided into two main parts - the former part is PanYeombul and the latter part is Jiokga. In performing PanYeombul, male shaman sits singing alone and playing Jing himself, on the other hand, in case of Jiokga, he stands singing a solo with gwaeggwari in his hand accompanied by other musicians with the rhythm of Samgongjaebi. As the song and the accompaniment are in the form of giving and taking like duet. it is in peak in terms of music. Accordingly, PanYeombul can be divided into PanYeombul and Jiokga, But since it is performed by one male shaman and sung a solo, it is usually seen as one procedure. Jing, which is a kind of accompaniment in PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, has the role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph. When the buddhist chant with one word-one note is performed. it requires the performer to catch his or her breath or clear throat. Just then, Jing comes out for filling out the intervals. Also, its role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph helps make it clear to deliver words. The rhythm of Jing is mostly made up of small triple time except equal small binary time, comes out with overwhelmingly more frequency of Sutsoe(♪♩) than Amsoe(♩♪), and often shows syncopation. By often using Off Beat or short-long rhythm even in accompaniment of equal small binary time, he tris to give some variation to monotonous and equal rhythm for the musical vitality. These are similar to Sutsoe rhythm which can evoke tension and Kim Janggil makes these things his characierisiic of rhythm. Fifth, all the pieces consist of mi, sol, la, do, re and the descending melody like do'${\searrow}$la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi appears most frequently. The descending melody usually arouses the feeling of sorrow, so the sadness for the deceased is presented properly, which suggests his musical talent. Generally, pieces take on Menari-tori as a whole where the length of sol appears for a short time in descending la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi of perfect four degrees. Sixth, Even he accepts the lines of buddhist chant, he changes them in some degree. For example, he inserted some words between lines like 'Wonwangsaeng' and 'NamuAmitabul' and added Korean words like hapsosa to the lines of buddhist service written in Chinese character. Also, he inserted some words like 'iiiiiii~' to express the feeling of sadness. These are to maximize the desire of the deceased to go to the heaven and at the same time to diminish the sign of buddhism and strengthen the features of shamanism. Seventh, the effort to decrease the sign of buddhism is made in pasting lines of two songs. For example, Between the last words 'Wonsuaenapsu of Dage and the first words 'Jisimgwimyeongrye' of Chiljeongrye, there is usually a short pause to distinguish paragraphs, But he continues two songs without any pause to get rid of the feelings of buddhist chant. In terms of melody, he makes a distance from buddhist chant in an effort that he gives some traits to shaman rituals which are different from buddhist even if he uses the lines of buddhist rituals. Eighth, the analyzed pieces can be in four categories - no regular melody , , equal small binary time , eotmori melody of ten eighth time with 3+2+3+2 mixed small time . and Samgongjaebi melody 3+2+3 mixed small time . Each piece has its unique melody. Although of buddhist ritual is often performed, by using eotmori melody, he evokes the feeling of shaman and is another example of giving unique characteristic to the shaman of East coast by using Samgongjaebi melody.

The actual aspects of North Korea's 1950s Changgeuk through the Chunhyangjeon in the film Moranbong(1958) and the album Corée Moranbong(1960) (영화 <모란봉>(1958)과 음반 (1960) 수록 <춘향전>을 통해 본 1950년대 북한 창극의 실제적 양상)

  • Song, Mi-Kyoung
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
    • /
    • no.43
    • /
    • pp.5-46
    • /
    • 2021
  • The film Moranbong is the product of a trip to North Korea in 1958, when Armangati, Chris Marker, Claude Lantzmann, Francis Lemarck and Jean-Claude Bonardo left at the invitation of Joseon Film. However, for political reasons, the film was not immediately released, and it was not until 2010 that it was rediscovered and received attention. The movie consists of the narratives of Young-ran and Dong-il, set in the Korean War, that are folded into the narratives of Chunhyang and Mongryong in the classic Chunhyangjeon of Joseon. At this time, Joseon's classics are reproduced in the form of the drama Chunhyangjeon, which shares the time zone with the two main characters, and the two narratives are covered in a total of six scenes. There are two layers of middle-story frames in the movie, and if the same narrative is set in North Korea in the 1950s, there is an epic produced by the producers and actors of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon as a complete work. In the outermost frame of the movie, Dong-il is the main character, but in the inner double frame, Young-ran, who is an actor growing up with the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and a character in the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, is the center. The following three OST albums are Corée Moranbong released in France in 1960, Musique de corée released in 1970, and 朝鮮の伝統音樂-唱劇 「春香伝」と伝統樂器- released in 1968 in Japan. While Corée Moranbong consists only of the music from the film Moranbong, the two subsequent albums included additional songs collected and recorded by Pyongyang National Broadcasting System. However, there is no information about the movie Moranbong on the album released in Japan. Under the circumstances, it is highly likely that the author of the record label or music commentary has not confirmed the existence of the movie Moranbong, and may have intentionally excluded related contents due to the background of the film's ban on its release. The results of analyzing the detailed scenes of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, Farewell Song, Sipjang-ga, Chundangsigwa, Bakseokti and Prison Song in the movie Moranbong or OST album in the 1950s are as follows. First, the process of establishing the North Korean Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon in the 1950s was confirmed. The play, compiled in 1955 through the Joseon Changgeuk Collection, was settled in the form of a Changgeuk that can be performed in the late 1950s by the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon between 1956 and 1958. Since the 1960s, Chunhyangjeon has no longer been performed as a traditional pansori-style Changgeuk, so the film Moranbong and the album Corée moranbong are almost the last records to capture the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and its music. Second, we confirmed the responses of the actors to the controversy over Takseong in the North Korean creative world in the 1950s. Until 1959, there was a voice of criticism surrounding Takseong and a voice of advocacy that it was also a national characteristic. Shin Woo-sun, who almost eliminated Takseong with clear and high-pitched phrases, air man who changed according to the situation, who chose Takseong but did not actively remove Takseong, Lim So-hyang, who tried to maintain his own tone while accepting some of modern vocalization. Although Cho Sang-sun and Lim So-hyang were also guaranteed roles to continue their voices, the selection/exclusion patterns in the movie Moranbong were linked to the Takseong removal guidelines required by North Korean musicians in the name of Dang and People in the 1950s. Second, Changgeuk actors' response to the controversy over the turbidity of the North Korean Changgeuk community in the 1950s was confirmed. Until 1959, there were voices of criticism and support surrounding Taksung in North Korea. Shin Woo-sun, who showed consistent performance in removing turbidity with clear, high-pitched vocal sounds, Gong Gi-nam, who did not actively remove turbidity depending on the situation, Cho Sang-sun, who accepted some of the vocalization required by the party, while maintaining his original tone. On the other hand, Cho Sang-seon and Lim So-hyang were guaranteed roles to continue their sounds, but the selection/exclusion patterns of Moranbong was independently linked to the guidelines for removing turbidity that the Gugak musicians who crossed to North Korea had been asked for.