• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.193-224
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• 2019

Shaman's play is significant in that it provided public theater for a long time in the theatrical and dramatic history. Unlike upper class who could call entertainer or Korean geisha in the traditional society, the majority of ordinary people could see professional performances through gut. Therefore, the shaman of the traditional society pulled the play which developed in the gut and the outside play into the gut and prepared the performance street for the ordinary people. shaman's play, apart from the religious context, has also functioned as a theatrical performance. Through shaman's play, you can see the process of ritual development into play. Shaman's play is a ritual ritual of expel calamity in an agriculture based society. In Korean consciousness, evil spirits are thought to bring disease or disaster to humans, so they should be good for evil spirits. This is a ritual that goes hand in hand with the Confucian Yeoje and the Buddhist Suryukjae. Most traditional plays, including masque performance, tend to weaken and become stifling after the designation of intangible cultural properties. However, shaman's play is transformed every time it is executed and is given a new meaning. Depending on the ability of the shaman to respond to and accommodate social change, adaptability is excellent depending on the situation in the field. Shaman's play has richness, prevent calamity and playful elements such as imitation of god and sexual connection based on the element of shamanism. In addition, it is necessary to pay attention to the meaning and the direction of Shaman's play because it is differentiated into play including social subject beyond mere magic imitation.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.41 no.10 s.188
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• pp.57-73
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between home economics teachers' characteristics and middle school students' affective morality through Home Economics Instruction. The affective morality of middle school students after taking home economics classes were assessed and investigated as to what sorts of affective morality there were and to find out what level they were. further, what factors affected the affective morality of middle school students considering the variable factors of home economics teachers. 800 first year male and female students of 17 middle schools located in Cheonju and Cheongwon were selected through non-random or accessible sampling. The frequency, precent, mean and standard deviation, correlation, t-test, and one-way ANOVA, and multiple regression of these data were obtained by using the SPSS 10.0 for Windows Program. The result of this study were as follows: First, basic etiquette was the most important rated the highest among the affective morality, nature preservation turned out the lowest in each questionnaire. Learned in home economics, it was considered the highest goal; Second, in terms of character and affective morality of middle school students, male students ranked higher than female students and the students with a better academic performance record, and those who engaged in club activities showed better results in affective morality as did students with religious beliefs and students with better educated parents and also students from homes with better financial situations. Third, in terms of students' perception of home economics teachers with a good nature turned out the highest, teaching ability and career awareness and also reflected at the same level. Fourth, students' perception of home economics teachers' characteristics and their affective morality are honed out correlated with each other. The correlation of home economics teachers' career awareness and compassion${\cdot}$devotion${\cdot}$service morality proved to be the highest. Fifth, the affective morality of those students who do community service, club activities and those who are interested in home economics and who respect home economics teachers tended to be high.

• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.70-82
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• 1997

Objective：This study was performed to identify and understand the characteristics of adolescents who had a history of police arrest and/or were adjudicated unruly/delinquent by the juvenile court. Method：The study employed a retrospective reivew of coumputer-recorded data set on 210 consecutive admissions to an adolescent psychiatric inpatient unit. Three groups(No Police Contact, N=115；Police Contact Only, N=60；Adjudicated, N=35) were compared on the areas of a) cognitive and educational performance b) emotion：anxiety, depression, suicidality c) personality d) family and life experiences. Standardized assessments were administered to all subjects using WISC-Ⅲ, Kaufman Test of Educational Achievement, Millon Adolescent Personality Inventory, Reynolds Adolescent Depression Scale, Revised-Chilren’s Manifest Anxiety Scale, Suicide Ideation Questionnarie, Suicide Behavior Interive, Life Events Checklist, and Family Environmental Scale. A subgroup of the subjects, 60 cases also received a standardized interview by Child Assessment Schedule. Results：The characteristic findings of the delinquent group(the police contact only and adjudicated subjects combined) included (1) a high rate of adoption, sexual promiscuity, out of home placement, and repeated psychiatric hospitalization, (2) low verbal IQ scores and educational achievements, (3) high impulsivity, low social conformity, and high forcefulness in personality inventory, (4) low activityrecreation orientation and low moral religious emphasis in family environment, (5)a high frequency of adverse life experiences, (6) among 3 groups, the Police Contact Only group showed the lowest depression, anxiety and suicidal ideation scores, (7) a high diagnostic frequency of conduct disorder, ODD, and ADHD. Conclusions：The adolescent psychiatric inpatients with a delinquent history presented with a certain clinical, family, psychometric characteristics that warrant specific clinical intervention strategies for their cognitive deficits, an impulsive personality style, family dysfunction with adverse life experiences and disruptive behavioral disorders, different from the rest of adolescent psychiatric inpatients.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.61
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• pp.81-107
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• 2020

This study reviews Bandura's vicarious reinforcement in observational learning process and implies this concept into Christian education in terms of spiritual role modeling. The first part of this study answers three questions: "what is vicarious reinforcement?" "how does vicarious reinforcement take place in observational learning?" and "how does vicarious reinforcement affect observer's behavior change?" Bandura conceptualizes the learning process with observational learning and imitative or non-imitative performance. Based on this concept, Bandura define the roles of vicarious reinforcement in the four steps of observational learning process: attention, retention, motor reproduction, and motivational process. Also, the three effects of vicarious reinforcements are explained in the following categories: the observational learning effect, inhibitory or disinhibitory effects, and eliciting effect. Adapting the structure of observational learning theory in terms of the effect of vicarious reinforcement and the function of role models, the second part of this study examines the biblical concept of imitation of Christ and the modeling strategy of discipleship. Especially Paul's spiritual role model serves as positive vicarious reinforcement for the Christian believers to perform the desired behaviors. Also, Paul's condemnation serves as explicit negative vicarious reinforcement. Then, the last part of this study covers the implication of these findings from observational learning and empirical studies in terms of spiritual role modeling to Christian education.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.73
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• pp.117-137
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• 2023

This is a case study of an extra-curricular program that designed and implemented maker education based on design thinking to foster a Christian worldview. The program was designed at K university in the course of 10 sessions as following stages; tinkering, providing a special lecture for motivation, finding issues, empathizing, making, sharing and reflecting. A total of 15 students in 5 teams participated in the program, progressed through each stage in the process of solving the problems they found around them so that their neighbors and the creative world could become better. As a result of operating this program, the participants became concerned about their neighbors and community and reflected on the change of perspective of the world from a Christian worldview. As a suggestion for follow-up research and projects, to develop a model of maker education based on design thinking for cultivating a Christian view of the world is proposed in order to support to easy design and management of the program even if there is a lack of professional related knowledge and experience. In addition, it is needed to develop a manual and guide book including a facilitator's role and an assessment tool like a rubric that can give feedback on the performance of the program and make improvement.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.127-155
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• 2018

This paper considers the structure and meaning of the folktale accompaniment of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree. The review process examined the meaning of each structure of the UlsanSoeburisoree in the preparation process while preparing the main elements of the structural features along with the historical background of the structure. UlsanSoeburisoree is Poongcheol ritual ceremony which means prayer ceremony for the production of iron. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree is 1-Gilnori 2-Gosa 3-The sound of blowing smelting process 4-The sound of process of iron smelting 5-The sound of tabooline 6-The sound of blowing smelting process 7-The sound of blowing matches 8-The After-party. This structure is in line with the structure of folk play called Gilnory-Gosa-Performance-After-party. This is similar to the basic structure of folk beliefs Cheongsin(請神)-Osin(娛神)-Songsin(送神). Thus, the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree was formulated in a sequential parallel structure. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree resemble the sacrifice of heaven ceremony since the time of the SamHan dynasty. The sound of the birth of life by physical sacrifice also plays the role of the song of creation of new life. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree can be seen not only in Korea 's folk culture but also in folk culture of GyeongnamDo area. There are many festivals to pray for the abundance of life for UlsanSoeburisoree. Soil plays an absolute role in the process of producing iron. For those who soak it, the earth is a religious object. Among the folk tales handed down in the Yeongnam area, there are a lot of performances that are passed down through the blending of the people 's affection to overcome the harshness of life. In the case of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree, it can be said that it was made and mixed with the wind that wanted to go beyond the harshness of life and the spirit of art.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.5-33
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• 2009

Jain-Danoje's course since modern is not different with almost all of folk performances, which were restored and reconstructed with a background of the designation of an intangible cultural heritage and National folk arts contest sine the 1960s. Generally, these folk performances were decontextualized in course of extinction and reappearance, and recontextualized in course of new directions on tradition. Also, the performances were interpreted differently and transformed by the main constituents of reappearance. Jain-Danoje nowadays has a regular form just at that time that has been designated as a cultural heritage at 1970s. But, today's Jain-Danoje is clearly different with the last appearance in 1936 and some Literature and jainhyun-eupji. I think such differences would stems from the process of reproduction. From this perspective, I had investigate Old literature and the early days report, and the current text. Especially, I will show the considerable change which has been occurred in the Yeowonmu and Hojanggut, the central role to configure that identity, by comparing past and today. As a result of consideration, today's form of the Yeowonmu and Hojanggut are created texts that mind the designation of an intangible cultural heritage and National folk arts contest. These texts has been reproduced without understanding about structure and current of folk festival and state of performance which has been transmitted on premodern society. some intellectuals search for an archaic form of Jain-Danoje based on jainhyun-eupji that created in 1895, except the other jainhyun-eupji. Moreover, because of the understanding with a bias, they can't grasp the meaning about the religious service for Hanjanggun, and they can't see the facts of Yeowonmoo. In addition, they were aware of 'o-sin' that led by Hojang as a fancy dress parade in a carnival, and that is recognized as a component of Jain-Danoje, so there was other text which is different from our own festival.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.801-810
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• 2008

The principal objective of this study was to assess Korea's traditional ritual food culture, and to compare two types of ancestral rites the Hyang-Sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites which were held in the Daegu and Andong regions of Korea. In this study, we describe the performance of the Bool-cheon-wi rites held by two head families located near the Andong area namely, the head family of Seoae Ryu Seong-Ryong(1542-1607)(Seoae) who was well-respected for his writings and personality, and the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji(1412-1456)(Dangye) who was well-known and famous as one of the members of the Sa-ryuk-sin. This research was conducted via diredt engagement in these memorial services and several interviews with the families. The results were summarized as follows; Foods used in the Hyang-sa rites including Mae(bap), Kook, Jaban(Jogee), Po(dried fish), Juck, boiled and seasoned vegetables, fruits, confections, and liquor. Jobap and Ssalbap were used as Mae at SD(Seo Dalsung), and PMPH(Pahoi Myogul Habin Park) used Jo, Hyunmy, Pi and Susu in the raw. The dishes on the table were arranged as follows. A wine cup was placed in the first row, Po(a dried pollack), and jujube and nuts in the second row, Ryukpo(slices of dried beef), Sangeogogi were set at the third row, and Soegogi, pork, Mu, and Minary were placed in the fourth row, and the head of the pig was placed in the center of the table at SD. A wine cup, Soegogi, and pork were positioned in the first row, Mu, Minary, Pi and Susu were placed in the second row, and Jogee, Jo, and Hyunmy were placed in the third row at PMPH. The sacrificial foods offered for Bool-cheon-wi rites were as follows; Mae(bap) Kook noodle Jogee Tang(stew) Po Juck Tucks boiled, seasoned and salted vegetables Jeon fruit confectioneries liquor(chungju). The head family of Seoae Yu Seong-Ryong utilized 5 types of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, seafood stew), whereas the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji utilized 3 kinds of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, vegetable stew). As a basic Tuck, Shi-roo-tuck(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 25 layers, was primarily utilized. In particular, Jung-Gae(Seoae's favorite food) was placed on the table. For grilled-meat food(Juck), Yu's family used raw meat and Ha's family the half-cooked meat. The main types of Jucks used were meat-Juck, fish-Juck, chicken-Juck, and these were not served one by one. Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites have an the educational function, in that they allow for the carrying out of filial duties by a heartfelt performance of performing the ceremony, by taking great care from the pre-rite preparations to the post-rite period. In addition, these rites have various meanings, as events that strengthen the ties of blood relations of ancestors and themselves, and to promote and harmonize family friendships, they may also have religious meaning in the culture, as prayers are offered that all the family's descendants may be blessed, live long and enjoy abundance whlie respecting their ancestors. As for the role of Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites in today's nuclear family society, it can be said that these rites remain especially important as a method to strengthen community consciousness by fostering an understanding of the meaning of existence itself, and thus inspiring the roots of consciousness.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.489-524
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• 2016

This study examines the birth of a genre, the $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Misemono Opera, focusing on how it accepted and modernized Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. Unlike earlier studies, it argues that Terayama was clearly different from other first-generation Angura artists, in that he rebirthed the medieval story $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ as a modern Misemono Opera. Shintokumaru (1978) was directed by Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji$, a member of the first generation of Japan's 1960s Angura Theatre Movement. It takes as its subject the Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Shintokumaru, a story set to music that can be considered an example of the modern heritage of East Asian storytelling. $Sekky{\bar{o}}$ Shintokumaru is set in Tennoji, Japan. The title character Shintoku develops leprosy as a result of his stepmother's curse and is saved through his fiancee Otohime's devoted love and the spiritual power of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. In this work, Terayama combined the narrative style of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ with J.A. Caesar's shamanistic rock music and gave it the subtitle 'Misemono Opera by $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$'. He transforms its underlying theme, the principle of goddesses and their offspring in a medieval religious world and the modori (return) instinct, into a world of mother-son-incest. Also, the pedestrian revenge scene from $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ is altered to represent Shintokumaru as a drag queen, wearing his stepmother's clothes and mask, and he unites sexually with Sensaku, his stepbrother, and ends up killing him. The play follows the cause and effect structure of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. The appearance of katarite, a storyteller, propelling the narrative throughout and Dr. Yanagida Kunio is significant as an example of the modern use of self-introduction as a narrative device and chorus. Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji^{\prime}s$ memories of desperate childhood, especially the absence of his father and the Aomori air raids, are depicted and deepened in structure. However, seventeen years after Terayama's death, the version of the play directed by Ninagawa Yukio-based on a revised edition by Kishida Rio, who had been Terayama's writing partner since the play's premier-is the today the better-known version. All the theatrical elements implied by Terayama's subtitle were removed, and as a result, the Rio production misses the essence of the diverse experimental theatre of Terayama's theatre company, $Tenj{\bar{o}}$ Sajiki. Shintokumaru has the narrative structure characteristic of aphorism. That is, each part of the story can stand alone, but it is possible to combine all the parts organically.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.133-172
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• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.