• Strategy21
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• s.40
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• pp.162-189
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• 2016

This research deals with the PLAN's capabilities and its implication for regional security, and suggests some measures for maritime security cooperation among regional states. China has began to focus its national strategy more on 'rising as a new maritime power' since the 18th Party Convention in November 2012. Chinese new strategy aims at building a strong navy, contributing economic prosperity and national security, and thus elevating its prestige in international society. Most of all, building a strong navy is the foremost task at this time, and that is why the PLAN has the priority for military modernization. Chinese new maritime strategy could cause naval arms race in East Asia and aggravate maritime territorial disputes among concerned parties. It is the time for regional states to discuss some measures to build confidence, such as arms control of naval weapons, establishment of multilateral maritime security mechanism, and foundation of regional security regime, thus enhancing regional maritime cooperation.

• Strategy21
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• s.33
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• pp.148-177
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• 2014

The regional security and stability in Northeast Asia has become more complicated because of a sudden establishment of China's Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) on 23 November 2013. One dimensional conflicts on the territorial sovereignty over the islands between the regional States has developed into the two dimensional conflicts like maritime delimitations among the States concerned since they have all ratified the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea which adopts the 200 nautical mile Exclusive Economic Zone regime. Moreover, due to the notion of the outer limit of the continental shelf, the conflicts have developed into three dimensional ones in order to acquire more natural resources even in the seabed. To make matters worse, such three dimensional conflicts have expanded to the airspace as well. The paper will analyze what implications the sudden declaration of China's ADIZ have for the regional security in Northeast Asia from the perspectives of public international law. To this end, the paper 1) starts with the debates on the legal nature of the ADIZ, 2) identifies the Chinese government's political motives for the establishment of the ADIZ over the East China Sea, 3) assesses the responses of the regional States and the USA to the China's establishment of the ADIZ, and then 4) discuss what implications the overlapped ADIZ of the three key States in the region have for the regional security and stability.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.131-156
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• 2018

This paper is mainly an attempt to approach and rethink regionalism and regional organizations, as a new political phenomenon of our modern world politics, by focusing on the way regime types influence the identity building of Maghreb Arab Unionregional organization in North Africa. The focus of this paper will be on the importance of domestic politics as a non-conventional way of studying regionalism. And unlike many studies of regionalism, generally emphasized by realists and liberalists that focus either on security or economy as an outcome of the old regionalism paradigm, this paper will emphasize domestic politics as a guiding line to understand the regional one.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.6 s.105
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• pp.933-954
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• 2004

This paper considers critically the conceptual development of international environmental security, and to explore some limitations which seem to have made difficult the construction of regional environmental governance among North-East Asian countries. The recently emerging concept of environmental security has turned the traditional or realistic meaning of security to the neo-liberal and the political-economic one. On the basis of a reconsideration of these newly developed meanings of security, this paper has reviewed critically some work which have focused on the concepts of environmental regime and of environmental governance. To formulate a true environmental governance, it is suggested that we need a theoretical analysis on the economic and political contexts and a practical development of civil society. From this point of view, the economic structure of labour division, the political tension and military opposition in the region, and the immaturity and exclusiveness of civil consciousness can be pointed out as some limitations of environmental security to be constructed in the North-East Asian region. A true environmental security in this region requires formation of reciprocal economic relationship, development of regional institutions for political trust among countries, and improvement of interaction between non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.83-108
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• 2011

South America has vast energy resources with the renewable and non-renewable sources. However, many countries in the region are unable to guarantee adequate energy security both of energy supply and demand. Currently the possibility of energy security is high through regional energy integration based on the potential economic benefits. The difference of regulation system with the individual countries in the region impose strong barriers to integration process. Security of energy supply and its demand as well is fundamental issues in this region and regional energy cooperation is essential for getting rid of the insecurity of energy supplies. Despite of this problem, currently Latin American countries made a great effort to make multilateral energy security regime through projecting great energy infrastructure network(e.g. IIRSA) or mechanism especially in South America, which can give countries access to the region's reserve supplies by providing regulations and pricing mechanism with a shared energy market in this region. Brazil's active leading in the formulation of such movement toward energy security integration and participation of energy infrastructure network is good initiative to enforce this great energy security change. Politically and economically, Brazil's geographical position and the level of market size and oil and natural gas resources, in addition the leadership in renewable energy sources make it a sound candidate to take over the coordination of the secure integration of region's energy market. However, on the conditions of existing many obstacles such as, control of the output of the region's power plant, energy flows, the environmental matter within local community must be overcome to make more advance process and steps. Finally, to secure more institutional approach, this region must settle regional disputes resolution regime urgently.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.178-186
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• 2024

While in high-income countries the development of digital technology began in the 1970s, in low- and middle-income countries it began in the 1990s and even after 2005, due to the political regime that constrained economic development and innovation. At the same time, there are no studies of the relationship between technological development and structural changes through innovation in low- and middle-income countries. The article aims to quantify the relationship of the introduction of digital technologies on innovation, structural transformation of low- and middle-income economies. The industrial-agrarian economy of Uzbekistan with an authoritarian regime is in a state of transition to a market economy, while in Ukraine, there are active processes of Europeanization and integration into the EU. Ukraine's economy is commodity-based (the export of raw materials of industries and the agricultural sector in developed countries predominates) and industrial-agrarian. Digital technologies and the service sector are little developed in Uzbekistan. On the other hand, Ukraine has a more developed ICT sector. Uzbekistan is gradually undergoing an innovative and structural transformation of the economy: the productivity of the agricultural, industrial, and service sectors is growing, but the ICT sector is virtually undeveloped. In comparison, in Ukraine, there are no significant structural transformations due to a significant drop in productivity of the industrial sector, with stable growth of productivity of the agricultural sector due to technology and a slight increase in productivity of the service sector. It is revealed that Ukraine and Uzbekistan have undergone structural transformations of the economy in favor of the service sector, while the agricultural and industrial sectors produce less and less. If Uzbekistan remains the industrial-agrarian country with an aggregate share of the added value of these sectors 59% in 2019, Ukraine transits to the post-industrial type of economy where the added value of the service sector in GDP grows (55% compared to agrarian and industrial sectors at 42%).

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.15-32
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• 2017

This article's aim is to review the jurisprudence which has emerged pursuant to the international dispute settlement provisions and to provide a provisional expectation as to the future of international dispute settlement under "UNCLOS". Globally, marine fisheries play an important role in ocean biodiversity and the food security of millions of people, providing a vital source of high-quality dietary protein and supporting individuals' livelihoods and income. In the 1982 Convention, the establishment of co-operative mechanisms for effective monitoring, control, surveillance and enforcement, decision-making procedures facilitating the adoption of such measures of conservation and management, and the promotion of the peaceful settlement of disputes are called for. In this study, 'Northeast Asian Sea' means that the Yellow/East China Sea, the East Sea, the Ohotsk Sea, the Kamchaka Sea, the Alaska Sea, and the Bering Sea surrounded by Korea, China, Japan, Russia, U.S.A. and Canada including their EEZs. There are several bilateral fisheries agreements existing in Northeast Asian area, the Fisheries Agreement between Republic Korea and Japan, between Republic of Korea and China, between China and Japan, between Republic Korea and U.S.A., between Republic Korea and Russia, between Russia and Japan, And there are several regional fisheries organizations existing in Northeast Asian area, for example NPAFC(Convention for the Conservation of Anadromous Stocks in the North Pacific Ocean), CBSPC (Convention on the Central Bering Sea Pollack Conservation), PICES(North Pacific Marine Science Organization), NPFC(North Pacific Fishery Commi-ssion) etc. It analyzed the proliferation of bilateral treaties and multilateral treaties due to the adoption of the EEZ in Northeast Asia reviewed the strengthening of management rights on the high seas marine living resources and marine environment preservation of regional fisheries organizations. In view of the changes in the international fisheries mechanism this paper suggested the future direction of the country in overseas fisheries. We concluded as follows. We shall apply bilateral treaties first, regional fisheries organizations' treaties secondly, and provisions under "UNCLOS" for dispute settlement last.

• Proceedings of the Korean Radioactive Waste Society Conference
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• 2005.06a
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• pp.56-66
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• 2005

In response to the increasing emphasis being placed on the importance of international cooperation as part of global efforts to cope with growing non proliferation, and security, concerns in the nuclear field, the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Mohamed ElBaradei, appointed an international group of experts to consider possible multilateral approaches to the nuclear fuel cycle. The mandate of the Expert Group was three fold: ${\bullet}$ To identify and provide an analysis of issues and options relevant to multilateral approaches to the front and back ends of the nuclear fuel cycle; ${\bullet}$ To provide an overview of the policy, legal, security, economic, institutional and technological incentives and disincentives for cooperation in multilateral arrangements for the front and back ends of the nuclear fuel cycle; and ${\bullet}$ To provide a brief review of the historical and current experiences and analyses relating to multilateral fuel cycle arrangements relevant to the work of the Expert Group. The overall purpose was to assess MNAs in the framework of a double objective: strengthening the international nuclear non proliferation regime and making the peaceful uses of nuclear energy more economical and attractive. The Group identifies options for MNAs - options in terms of policy, institutional and legal factors - for those parts of the nuclear fuel cycle of greatest sensitivity from the point of view of proliferation risk. It also reflects the Groups deliberations on the corresponding benefits and disadvantages (pros and cons) of the various options and approaches. Although the Expert Group was able to agree to forward the resulting report to the Director General, it is important to note that the report does not reflect agreement by all of the experts on any of the options, nor a consensus assessment of their respective value. It is intended only to present options for MNAs, and to reflect on the range of considerations which could impact on the desirability and feasibility of those options.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.297-313
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• 2003

Problems caused by the U.S. military bases have attracted little attention until recently due to the national security of S.Korea and the peace of North-Eastern Asia, emphasized from the perspective of macro-geopolitics. However, since the political regime has been democratized and political discourses have been liberalized from the 1990s, those problems become a nation-widely serious social issue, though they have been brought about on the local areas. Thus, it can be suggested that micro-geopolitics is highly relevant and significant in approaching the local problems caused by the U.S. military bases, and ultimately resolving the macro-geopolitical problem of longstanding unfair relations in the SOFA and the withdrawal of U.S. troops. This paper aims to consider local problems caused by the U.S. military bases and resolving strategies from the perspective of micro-geopolitics. First of all, it discusses some significance of the micro-geopolitical perspective, as it has been recently emphasized in political geography in considering local problems and politics of life on the basis of place, then looks on empirically criminal and environmental problems caused by the U.S. military bases, analyses the questionnaire date on the perception of local dwellers around the military camps in Nam-gu Daegu, and finally suggests strategies to resolve those problems, which level up from the micro to the macro-scale of geopolitics.