• 제목/요약/키워드: Regional Economic Power Index

검색결과 7건 처리시간 0.019초

5+2광역경제권의 지역경제력 비교연구 (Comparative study of the Regional Economic Power of the Korean 5+2 Mega-regional Economic Zones)

  • 박숙진;김태헌
    • 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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    • 제10권11호
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    • pp.318-328
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    • 2010
  • 본 광역권별 경제력 비교분석은 정부의 지역경제정책에 대한 기초연구로서 콜드스타트(cold start)된 5+2광역경제권의 상이한 경제여건과 펀더멘털을 고찰하고 설정된 비교지표를 중심으로 전국 7대 광역권의 지역경제력을 비교 분석해 봄으로써 글로벌 경쟁력 확보 차원에서 자립적 광역경제권을 육성한다는 정부의 지역경제정책의 타당성과 향후 광역경제권의 정책방향을 고찰하는데 목적을 두고 있다. 경제력지수 비교결과, 수도권의 경제력지수가 절대 우위에 있는 반면 강원권, 호남권, 제주권은 상대적 열위상태인 것으로 조사되었다. 지역의 특성과 경제적 펀더멘털이 다르기 때문에 향후 지역발전 및 광역경제권 정책을 추진함에 있어서는 이를 고려한 세심한 배려와 발전계획 수립이 필요할 것으로 보인다. 그리고 정부는 지역경제여건을 감안한 광역경제권사업의 지역안배와 조정을 통하여 지역사업의 중복성 문제를 원천 차단함으로써 재정의 효율성을 제고시켜야 할 것이다. 또한 수요분석에 기초한 demand-based policy와 demand-pull policy, 지역낙후성을 감안하여 예산균등할(豫算均等割)정책보다는 비균등할 지원책을 탄력적으로 사용함으로써 지역균형발전을 도모하여야 할 것으로 사료된다.

요인분석을 활용한 서울시 자치구/행정동의 지역균형지수 개발 (Development of Regional Balanced Index for Administrative Districts and Dongs in Seoul using Factor Analysis)

  • 김동근;박귀원;하소미;김도현
    • 품질경영학회지
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    • 제49권3호
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    • pp.375-392
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    • 2021
  • Purpose: Regional gaps and conflicts between regions due to Korea's economic development and industrialization have become important issues, and the issue of balanced regional development at regional level has been discussed as the size of the region has increased recently. Although evaluation of regional balance was attempted through various regional balanced development indexes, it is inappropriate as a standard for determining regional balance in Seoul. Therefore, this study aims to develop objective evaluation methodologies and evaluation indicators for balanced development of administrative districts in Seoul, not existing city and national units. Methods: We looked at existing regional balanced development indexes, and suggested a new regional balanced index reflecting regional development, backwardness, and spatial characteristics in Seoul using factor analysis. Results: As a result of factor analysis, the regional balanced development index for administrative districts and administrative dongs consists of two factors (regional revitalization, financial power) and three factors (commercial density, social security demand, regional retardness), respectively. Then the regional balanced development index scores for 116 administrative districts and 423 administrative dongs are calculated by multiplying each factor by a weight obtained through experts' survey. Conclusion: The proposed regional balanced development index can be used as an objective and quantitative basis for regional balanced development within a city. Further research may include continuously adding new indicators that reflect the direction and scale of development.

엔트로피지수에 의한 국내항만의 화물집중도 측정 (A Measurement of Degree of Cargo Concentration in Korean Ports Using the Entropy Index)

  • 박노경
    • 한국항만경제학회지
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    • 제20권1호
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    • pp.1-20
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    • 2004
  • The purpose of this paper is to analyze the degree of cargo concentration at Korean ports using Theil's Entropy and to compare the results with those of Gini coefficient, Hoyle(1983), and Hirshmann-Herfindahl models. The entropy indices were compared with other models after measuring the cargo concentration for the period of 1981-2000 among the 18 Korean ports. The core results of empirical analysis are as follows: first, the empirical results of entropy indices show the following trends: all the ports(concentration except 1996's slight deconcentration), ports in Western area(deconcentration in 1990s and slight concentration in 2000), ports in Southern area(deconcentration in 1980s and 1990s except concentration in 2000), and ports in Eastern area(continuous trends of concentration). However, competition power will be decreased if concentration is increased, because of the character of entropy index. The empirical results of 4 indices except Hoyle model show the comparatively same directions in terms of trends. This study found out the similar results among the following models: All the ports(entropy index & Gini coefficient & H-H model), ports in Western area(Entropy index &Hoyle model), ports in Southern area(Entropy index & Gini coefficient), and ports in Eastern area(Entropy index & H-H index).The policy planner of Korean ports should find out the determination factors of concentration and deconcentration of each ports and decide the investment priority, size and scope for balancing the development of regional ports.

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Telecommunications Infrastructures and Services Development and Challenges in Nepal

  • Shrestha, Surendra;Adhikari, Dilli Ram
    • International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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    • 제9권2호
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    • pp.27-36
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    • 2017
  • The world's unique geographical, multilingual, multiethnic, multiracial and multi religious Himalayan country Nepal has more than 100 years history on telephony service and it has been formulating appropriate policy and regulation for the adoption of new technology, introducing the competitive market environment for the overall development of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) infrastructures and application of ICT service and tools for socio-economic transformation. The Nepalese market seems to be continuously growing and having huge demand of mobile telephony and internet subscriptions trend. The ICT infrastructure development in difficult geographical area is quite challenging and thus operators are focusing mobile telephony and mobile internet services. Nepal has been doing its best effort on formulating policy and regulation, adoption key strategies for ICT sector development and at the same time joining hands with international and regional bodies such as ITU, SAARC etc for ICT sector development. Due to geographical diversity, policy and regulatory barriers in some extent, power supply constraints and low affordability from customers on ICT tools and services, Nepal has been facing challenges on ICT infrastructure development. However, the national statistics on ICT, Networked Readiness Index and ICT Development Index show that Nepal has done quite good progress and is keeping its pace on ICT development despite the these challenges. Moreover, there seems to be quite uncovered market segments on internet service and big opportunity on ICT sector development in Nepal in the days to come.

한국에서의 창조계급 적합성에 대한 탐색적 연구 (A Exploratory Study for the Suitability about the Creative Class in Korea)

  • 최일용;황성원
    • 기술혁신학회지
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    • 제17권3호
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    • pp.467-489
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    • 2014
  • 본 연구는 창조경제시대에서 창조도시와 도시 성장의 핵심 자본인 창조계급에 대해 우리나라에 적합한 창조계급을 탐색하는데 목적을 두었다. 이를 위해 Florida(2002)의 창조계급과 Mcgranahan & Wojan(2007)이 재구성한 창조계급을 국내 통계청의 2010년 자료를 활용하여 한국직업분류기준표를 기준으로 분류하고 각각의 창조계급과 혁신지수, 하이테크지수, 경제적 성과(임금)의 지역적 차이를 분석하였다. 또한, 각각의 창조계급과 국내 혁신지수, 하이테크지수의 상관관계 분석을 실시하였고, 그 결과 Mcgranahan & Wojan(2007)의 창조계급이 더 높은 상관관계를 가지는 것으로 조사되어, Flordia 보다 Mcgranahan & Wojan 창조계급이 적절하다고 판단하였다. 따라서 Mcgranahan & Wojan(2007)의 창조계급에 대해 혁신 및 하이테크지수, 경제성장과의 경로분석을 실시하여 창조계급이 혁신, 하이테크, 경제성장에 미치는 영향을 분석하였다. 이러한 결과는 현재 국내의 다양한 창조계급에 대한 기준을 제시하였으며, 경제적 성장과의 분석을 통해 중앙 및 지방정부의 정책입안자에게 창조계급 유입을 위한 근거를 마련하였다. 또한 창조계급 유입을 위한 도시환경과 지역경제성장과의 관계 및 한국의 창조계급 지표 수립에 관한 다양한 후속연구를 촉진할 것으로 기대된다.

전이할당 분석을 이용한 한중카페리 항만의 구조분석에 관한 연구 -인천항을 중심으로- (Structural Analysis for Ports of Korea-China Car Ferry using Shift Effect Method - Focusing on Incheon Port)

  • 이진규;여기태
    • 한국항만경제학회지
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    • 제30권3호
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    • pp.39-58
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    • 2014
  • 우리나라와 중국은 1993년 5월에 체결된 한중 해운회담을 통해 양국간 안정적인 항로 관리를 수행하고 있다. 이러한 노력에 기인하여 한중카페리 시장은 황해를 중심으로 한 거대시장으로 성장했으며 그 수요 또한 지속적으로 증가하고 있다. 하지만 카페리 사업은 지역 및 국가 경제에 미치는 파급효과가 크며 항로 간 경쟁이 치열하다. 이러한 측면에서 본 연구는 전이할당 분석을 이용하여 한중카페리 항만의 구조분석을 수행하는 것을 연구의 목적으로 하였다. 분석결과 인천항은 지속적으로 평택 당진항과 군산항에 여객과 화물 물동량이 전이된 것으로 나타났다. 또한 인천항의 절대성장치가 잠재성장치에 크게 못 미치는 것으로 나타나 평택 당진항과 군산항과의 경쟁에서 열세임을 확인할 수 있었다. 또한 서해안 권역의 물동량은 지속적으로 증가추세에 있으나 인천항의 여객과 화물 물동량은 그 성장률을 밑돌고 있다. 향후 인천항의 경우, 군산항과 평택 당진항과 경쟁에서 우위를 점하려면 단기적으로는 항만 마케팅을 통해 여객과 화물을 유치해야 하며, 장기적으로는 카페리운송의 장점인 통관의 신속성과 운항속도의 장점을 극대화 시켜 고부가가치 화물을 유치하고 항만을 특화할 필요가 있다.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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