• Title/Summary/Keyword: Regional Economic Power Index

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Comparative study of the Regional Economic Power of the Korean 5+2 Mega-regional Economic Zones (5+2광역경제권의 지역경제력 비교연구)

  • Park, Suk-Jin;Kim, Tae-Heon
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.10 no.11
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    • pp.318-328
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    • 2010
  • This paper as basic work on the regional economic policy of Korean government considers economic conditions and fundamentals of the cold started 5+2 mega-regional economic zones and makes a comparative study of regional economic power of national mega-regional economic zones based on the established economic indicator. Therefore, this study aims to consider henceforward policy direction of the mega-regional economic zone and the validity of the regional economic policy, which promote autonomous mega-regional economic zone in dimension to secure the global competitiveness. According to the comparison result of regional economic power index, the capital area had absolute superiority, while Gangwon, Honam and Jeju areas were relatively weak. Since the given regional conditions are dissimilar, the government must consider regional characteristics and economic fundamentals carefully, as they push henceforth regional development policy for the mega-regional economic zone. What is more, the government should promote a balance of the regional development, through to maintain demand-based policy and demand-pull policy flexibly, which are based on demand analysis, as well as unequal quota budget and policy for regions, which are relatively falling behind in terms of development and income.

Development of Regional Balanced Index for Administrative Districts and Dongs in Seoul using Factor Analysis (요인분석을 활용한 서울시 자치구/행정동의 지역균형지수 개발)

  • Kim, Dong-geun;Park, Kwiwon;Ha, Somi;Kim, Dohyun
    • Journal of Korean Society for Quality Management
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    • v.49 no.3
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    • pp.375-392
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    • 2021
  • Purpose: Regional gaps and conflicts between regions due to Korea's economic development and industrialization have become important issues, and the issue of balanced regional development at regional level has been discussed as the size of the region has increased recently. Although evaluation of regional balance was attempted through various regional balanced development indexes, it is inappropriate as a standard for determining regional balance in Seoul. Therefore, this study aims to develop objective evaluation methodologies and evaluation indicators for balanced development of administrative districts in Seoul, not existing city and national units. Methods: We looked at existing regional balanced development indexes, and suggested a new regional balanced index reflecting regional development, backwardness, and spatial characteristics in Seoul using factor analysis. Results: As a result of factor analysis, the regional balanced development index for administrative districts and administrative dongs consists of two factors (regional revitalization, financial power) and three factors (commercial density, social security demand, regional retardness), respectively. Then the regional balanced development index scores for 116 administrative districts and 423 administrative dongs are calculated by multiplying each factor by a weight obtained through experts' survey. Conclusion: The proposed regional balanced development index can be used as an objective and quantitative basis for regional balanced development within a city. Further research may include continuously adding new indicators that reflect the direction and scale of development.

A Measurement of Degree of Cargo Concentration in Korean Ports Using the Entropy Index (엔트로피지수에 의한 국내항만의 화물집중도 측정)

  • 박노경
    • Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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    • v.20 no.1
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    • pp.1-20
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    • 2004
  • The purpose of this paper is to analyze the degree of cargo concentration at Korean ports using Theil's Entropy and to compare the results with those of Gini coefficient, Hoyle(1983), and Hirshmann-Herfindahl models. The entropy indices were compared with other models after measuring the cargo concentration for the period of 1981-2000 among the 18 Korean ports. The core results of empirical analysis are as follows: first, the empirical results of entropy indices show the following trends: all the ports(concentration except 1996's slight deconcentration), ports in Western area(deconcentration in 1990s and slight concentration in 2000), ports in Southern area(deconcentration in 1980s and 1990s except concentration in 2000), and ports in Eastern area(continuous trends of concentration). However, competition power will be decreased if concentration is increased, because of the character of entropy index. The empirical results of 4 indices except Hoyle model show the comparatively same directions in terms of trends. This study found out the similar results among the following models: All the ports(entropy index & Gini coefficient & H-H model), ports in Western area(Entropy index &Hoyle model), ports in Southern area(Entropy index & Gini coefficient), and ports in Eastern area(Entropy index & H-H index).The policy planner of Korean ports should find out the determination factors of concentration and deconcentration of each ports and decide the investment priority, size and scope for balancing the development of regional ports.

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Telecommunications Infrastructures and Services Development and Challenges in Nepal

  • Shrestha, Surendra;Adhikari, Dilli Ram
    • International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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    • v.9 no.2
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    • pp.27-36
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    • 2017
  • The world's unique geographical, multilingual, multiethnic, multiracial and multi religious Himalayan country Nepal has more than 100 years history on telephony service and it has been formulating appropriate policy and regulation for the adoption of new technology, introducing the competitive market environment for the overall development of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) infrastructures and application of ICT service and tools for socio-economic transformation. The Nepalese market seems to be continuously growing and having huge demand of mobile telephony and internet subscriptions trend. The ICT infrastructure development in difficult geographical area is quite challenging and thus operators are focusing mobile telephony and mobile internet services. Nepal has been doing its best effort on formulating policy and regulation, adoption key strategies for ICT sector development and at the same time joining hands with international and regional bodies such as ITU, SAARC etc for ICT sector development. Due to geographical diversity, policy and regulatory barriers in some extent, power supply constraints and low affordability from customers on ICT tools and services, Nepal has been facing challenges on ICT infrastructure development. However, the national statistics on ICT, Networked Readiness Index and ICT Development Index show that Nepal has done quite good progress and is keeping its pace on ICT development despite the these challenges. Moreover, there seems to be quite uncovered market segments on internet service and big opportunity on ICT sector development in Nepal in the days to come.

A Exploratory Study for the Suitability about the Creative Class in Korea (한국에서의 창조계급 적합성에 대한 탐색적 연구)

  • Choi, Il-Yong;Hwang, Seong-Won
    • Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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    • v.17 no.3
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    • pp.467-489
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    • 2014
  • The purpose of this study is to explore the suitable creative class in korea as the core capital of creative urban growth under creative economy era. We are test to find it for two types of creative class. One is Richard Florida(2002)'s creative class, the other is Mcgranahan & Wojan(2007)'s recasting creative class. Data on 2010 for this paper are generated from Statistics Korea. As a result, we find that the economic geography of creative class is highly concentrated. Furthermore, the geography of creative class is strongly associated with innovation index and high-technology industry location. And Mcgranahan & Wojan(2007)'s creative class is more strong relationship between all dependent variables than Florida's. We also find that it has better power of explanation than Florida's with all of them in regression analysis. According to the results, this study suggests some solutions. First, this study can be provided to government and local policy makers as basis data and practical policy guide to attract creative class. Second, this paper presents standard about a diversity of definitions for creative class in Korea. Third, this research also facilitates follow-up studies about regional economic growth and creative climates.

Structural Analysis for Ports of Korea-China Car Ferry using Shift Effect Method - Focusing on Incheon Port (전이할당 분석을 이용한 한중카페리 항만의 구조분석에 관한 연구 -인천항을 중심으로-)

  • Lee, Jinkyu;Yeo, Gitae
    • Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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    • v.30 no.3
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    • pp.39-58
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    • 2014
  • Korea and China have maintained sea routes between two nations through the shipping conference which was established in May 1993. Due to this effort, the market of Korea-China car ferry on Yellow sea makes growth year by year. The car ferry business has shown fierce competition because it has huge impacts on regional and national level economy. In this respect, the aim of this research is to analyze the structural analysis for ports of Korea-China car ferry using Shift Effect(SE) method. As a results, passengers and cargo volumes of Incheon port continuously transfer to Pyeontaek and Gunsan port. Moreover, absolute growth rate of Incheon port do not reach the potential growth rate. The competitiveness power of Incheon port has lower position compared to Pyeontaek and Gunsan port. The cargo volumes of ports located on western coast of Korea have increased recently, however, passengers and cargo volumes of Incheon port have shown lower increasing rate compared to average of Korean western coast ports. For Incheon port, high value added cargoes which give large profit on port side, have to be attracted. Moreover, Incheon port has to become a specialized port.

The lesson From Korean War (한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Il-Young
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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