• Journal of Korea Trade
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.171-207
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• 2020

Purpose - This paper investigates the potential effect of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) on trade liberalization among member countries in order to answer key questions in our research on whether the RCEP will be a cornerstone or just collaboration. Furthermore, it aims to measure the likely magnitude of the economic impact it has on its members. Design/methodology - Toward achieving research objectives, we developed a regional CGE model based on the GTAP 9 database. Findings - The simulation results show Korea, Australia, India, and Japan ranked the top countries with an average growth in GDP of 0.38 %, 0.36%, 0.29%, and 0.23%, respectively. Moreover, China and New Zealand followed with a percentage of 0.12% each. The lower economic performing group is the ASEAN group due to a contraction in GDP by 0.13%. Accordingly, there was a positive impact of the RCEP agreement on all member states, as empirically demonstrated. Furthermore, Korea is one of the countries that will benefit most from joining this agreement. Finally, this agreement is important; it has many economic benefits to member states, but it is not a cornerstone. Originality/value - The examination of the quantitative effects of tariff removal among the RCEP's countries is its value. We will address all member countries of the convention simultaneously using a regional CGE model GAMS language, where we employed a Mathematical Programming System for General Equilibrium (MPSGE) to establish a Regional CGE model. This study is directed to policymakers looking at evaluating RCEP agreement.

• 산경연구논집
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.89-97
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• 2018

Purpose - The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) among 16 countries including South Korea, the largest free trade agreement in the Asia-Pacific region, will be concluded next year. The participating countries decided to pursue a comprehensive and high -quality agreement, while ensuring flexibility considering development level of each country. In this study, trade structures between nations from 2005 through 2016 were examined to see the impact that this agreement will have on Korea and to come up with effective countermeasures. Research design, data, and methodology - The method of analysis includes the analysis of the trade matrix, which is useful for identifying the dependency of the individual countries on the market in the region and the reciprocal dependency of the member countries on the market, and the index of intensity of trade, which is useful for figuring out the share of trade between the parties in total trade. Results - The results showed that first, the international trade coefficients of Vietnam and Philippines are higher than those of China and Japan. Secondly, the international inducement coefficients between China and Japan were high, and that between Indonesia and Burma were low, indicating that Korea's exports did not have much effect on export increase of these countries. Third, as a result of analyzing Korea's trade intensity, it was found that export intensity and import intensity were greater than 1 in Vietnam and Philippines, which shows that there is a high degree of relational bond with these countries. India and Laos countries still have a low level of relational bond, which indicates that there is room for improvement in economic relations when the agreement is concluded. After the signing of the agreement in the future, more diverse industrial structures should be continuously studied. Conclusions - The analysis of trade matrix, trade structure, trade inducement coefficient and trade intensity between Korea and RCEP participating countries shows that the majority of the countries have the high level of economic relationship with Korea. Korea should drive a harder bargain when negotiating the terms of the RCEP, in comparison with the level of the existing FTA agreement excluding Japan.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• 제27권3호
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• pp.161-178
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• 2023

Purpose - purpose of this paper is to analyze the effects of the investment facilitation levels of 11 RCEP countries (excluding Myanmar, Brunei, and Laos due to lack of data) on China's outward foreign direct investments(OFDI) using balanced panel data from 2010 to 2019. Design/methodology - First, four investment facilitation measurement indicators (regulatory environment, infrastructure, financial market, ease of doing business) were selected,investment facilitation scores of the 11 countries were obtained using the principal component analysis, an investment gravity model was established with nine explanatory variables (investment facilitation level, market size, population, geographic distance, degree of opening, tax level, natural resources, whether the country is an APEC member or not, and whether a valid bilateral investment treaty with China has been concluded) were used to establish an investment gravity model, and regression analyses were conducted with OLS and system GMM. Findings - The results of the regression analyses showed that investment facilitation levels had the greatest effect on China's OFDI, all four first-level indicators had positive effects on China's OFDI, and among them, the institutional environment had the greatest effect. In addition, it was shown that explanatory variables such as market size, population, geographical distance, degree of openness, natural resources, and whether or not a valid bilateral investment treaty has been concluded would have positive effects on China's OFDI, while tax levels and APEC membership would impede China's OFDI to some extent. Originality/value - Since the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEPT) came into effect not long ago, there are not so many studies on the effects of investment facilitation levels of RCEP member states on China's OFDI, and the investment facilitation measurement index constructed in this paper is relatively systematic and scientific because it includes all the contents of investment facilitation related to the life cycle of company's foreign direct investments.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.

• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제33권2호
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• pp.443-469
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• 2018

스푸트니크 1호 발사 이래 60년이 지난 지금 우주에 대한 고려 없이 경제적, 정치적인 인간의 삶을 생각하는 것은 불가능해졌다. 그러나 우주가 전쟁의 장이될 수 있다는 우려도 확산되고 있다. 따라서 우주상 군비경쟁을 방지하기 위한 여론이 더욱 커지고 있다. 따라서 우주상 군비경쟁을 방지하기 위한 행동규범이나 국제법을 설정하는 것이 필요하다. 그러나 국제 사회에서 각국의 입장과 이해 상충으로 인해 구속력 있는 우주 군비통제방안을 수립하는 것은 매우 어렵다. 그럼에도 불구하고 우주의 평화적 이용을 위해서는 장기적이고 지속적이며 체계적인 접근이 필수적이다. 모든 국가는 국익이나 우주 개발 수준에 따라 입장이 다르기 때문에 포괄적 조약을 체결하기 위한 조건은 아직 성숙하지 못했다. 그러나 우주의 지속적인 개발을 위한 우주행동 강령 및 우주 파편에 대한 협력체계 구축 노력 뿐만 아니라 발사 통지와 같은 실용적이고 투명한 신뢰구축 방안에 대한 협력을 지속적으로 추진해야 할 것이다. 우주강국과 개발 국가들의 자발적인 참여를 확보하기가 쉬운 연성적인 조치 (TCBM, 행동 규범)로부터 시작하여 포괄적이고 구속력 있는 조약과 같은 경성적인 조치가 단계적으로 이루어져야 할 것이다. 또한 군비통제 이론에 입각하여 상호정보와 인력을 교환하고 정보를 공유하는 대화의 장을 지속적으로 만들어 나가야 할 것이다. 이러한 노력에 우주강국(미국, 러시아, 중국)이 적극적으로 참여한다면 국제 평화에 기여하게 될 것이다. 또한 지역간 협력을 통해 파트너십을 증진할 필요도 있다. 우주법의 효율성을 제고하기 위해 더 많은 국가가 기존의 국제법에 참여하도록 여론을 형성하고 주도해 나가야 할 것이다. 이러한 노력들이 우주의 안보력 강화에 기여하게 될 것이다.