• The Journal of Korean Physical Therapy
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.85-123
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• 2004

Back ground : Subcutaneous fat area is the main factor involved in replacement disease and arteriosclerosis. Simple weight control is the appropriate medical treatment. It's understood that weight reduction does not only reduce the fat concentrations in blood but also reduces blood pressure, improves glucose levels in diabetes patients and reduces incidents of heart disease. there are several methods for reducing fat in the abdominal region but their effectiveness is not folly understood. one method is electrical stimulation of the problem areas. Method : From May 1st 2002 to October 31st. The 15 subjects who received medical examination were aged between 25 and 53 and were of mixed gender. The subjects were divided into two groups one to received functional electrical stimulation and the other a control group. Using Broca's criterion for judging fat grades. I analysed the differences between the two groups before and after the treatment. Subjects received functional electrical stimulation on the abdominal muscle intensity 50Hz. They received this treatment 4 days a week for 40 minutes a day. In the case of aerobic exercise, at the Treadmill, we used it with the intensity of $75\%$ maximum heart rate (220-age). Result 1)After functional electrical stimulation in the case of male subjects, the weight was reduced 1.93kg, obesity $2.60\%$, fat mass 2.73kg, Percent body fat $4.40\%$, waist circumference 6.53cm, circumference of hips 5.53cm. On the other side, the quality of muscle was increased at the rate of 1.03kg, but it's not attentional level. The subcutaneous fat area was reduced by $26.63cm^2$, the visceral fat area was reduced by $43.00cm^2$, In the female subjects, we can see the reduction of fat grade by $26.63cm^2$, the quantity of body fat by 1.5kg, percent body fat by $1.77\%$, circumference of waist by 4.02cm, circumference of hips by 3.67cm, weight by 1.40kg but was increased 0.72kg at the quantity of muscles. We can see the reduction also in the subcutaneous fat area $24.03cm^2$, the visceral fat area by $25.36cm^2$. 2)After aerobic exercise, on the male subjects, we can see reduction of weight by 3.36kg, obesity by $4.00\%$, fat mass by 2.83kg and we can see increase at the soft lean mass by 2.96kg, but we can see reduction, the percent body fat by $3.03\%$, fat distribution by $0.023\%$, circumference of waist by 3.10cm, circumference of hips by 2.23cm. The female subjects show a reduction in the weight by 2.48kg, percent body fat by $2.20\%$, show an increase in the soft lean mass by 1.54kg. We can see a reduction in the quantity of fat mass by 2.32kg, the percent body fat by $2.80\%$, the circumference of waist by 2.16cm, the circumference of hips by 2.68cm, the fat distribution by $0.016\%$, the subcutaneous fat area by $15.25cm^2$ the visceral fat area by $11.52cm^2$. After aerobic exercise, we can't see the attentional change at the total cholesterol, triglyceride, high density lipoprotein cholesterol, low density lipoprotein cholesterol. 3)After the application of functional electrical stimulation and aerobic exercise, in result of measurement on the body ingredient, we could see the weight reduction and increase the quantity of muscle with the male group who exercised aerobic. We can see the attentional rate on the electrical stimulation about abdominal fat rate, circumference of waist, circumference of hips. The other hand, I couldn't see the attentional differences between the two groups in the rate of fatness and quantity of body fat and the rate of body fat. There isn't any attentional difference in the area of fat under skin, on the contrary, There is attentional difference in the fat in the internal organs area at the electrical stimulation site. We can't see the attentional change of total cholesterol, triglyceride, high density lipoprotein cholesterol, low density lipoprotein cholesterol between electrical stimulation and aerobic exercise. 4)After execution of functional electrical stimulation and aerobic exercise, in result of measurement on change of body ingredient among female objects, We could see weight reduction, increase at muscle quantity in the aerobic exercise group. We could see the attentional differences in the rate of fatness, the rate of abdominal region, the circumference which received electrical stimulation. But, we couldn't see the attentional differences between two groups in the quantity of body fatness, the circumference of hips. The subcutaneous fat area doesn't show the attentional differences. On the Contrary, we could see lots of differences in the visceral fat area of the electrical stimulation group. Conclusion The results show that functional electrical stimulation and aerobic exercise have insignificant differences when if comes to total cholesterol, triglyceride, high density lipoprotein cholesterol, low density lipoprotein cholesterol. Though there is affirmative change in body ingredient after both electrical stimulation and aerobic exercise. Functional electrical stimulation is more effective on the subcutaneous fat area and in changing visceral fat area. There fore. It is concluded that the physical therapy is more effective in the treatment of abdominal fatness.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.31-68
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• 1990

The concentration of economic power takes the form of one or a few firms controlling a substantial portion of the economic resources and means in a certain economic area. At the same time, to the extent that these firms are owned by a few individuals, resource allocation can be manipulated by them rather than by the impersonal market mechanism. This will impair allocative efficiency, run counter to a decentralized market system and hamper the equitable distribution of wealth. Viewed from the historical evolution of Western capitalism in general, the concentration of economic power is a paradox in that it is a product of the free market system itself. The economic principle of natural discrimination works so that a few big firms preempt scarce resources and market opportunities. Prominent historical examples include trusts in America, Konzern in Germany and Zaibatsu in Japan in the early twentieth century. In other words, the concentration of economic power is the outcome as well as the antithesis of free competition. As long as judgment of the economic system at large depends upon the value systems of individuals, therefore, the issue of how to evaluate the concentration of economic power will inevitably be tinged with ideology. We have witnessed several different approaches to this problem such as communism, fascism and revised capitalism, and the last one seems to be the only surviving alternative. The concentration of economic power in Korea can be summarily represented by the "jaebol," namely, the conglomerate business group, the majority of whose member firms are monopolistic or oligopolistic in their respective markets and are owned by particular individuals. The jaebol has many dimensions in its size, but to sketch its magnitude, the share of the jaebol in the manufacturing sector reached 37.3% in shipment and 17.6% in employment as of 1989. The concentration of economic power can be ascribed to a number of causes. In the early stages of economic development, when the market system is immature, entrepreneurship must fill the gap inherent in the market in addition to performing its customary managerial function. Entrepreneurship of this sort is a scarce resource and becomes even more valuable as the target rate of economic growth gets higher. Entrepreneurship can neither be readily obtained in the market nor exhausted despite repeated use. Because of these peculiarities, economic power is bound to be concentrated in the hands of a few entrepreneurs and their business groups. It goes without saying, however, that the issue of whether the full exercise of money-making entrepreneurship is compatible with social mores is a different matter entirely. The rapidity of the concentration of economic power can also be traced to the diversification of business groups. The transplantation of advanced technology oriented toward mass production tends to saturate the small domestic market quite early and allows a firm to expand into new markets by making use of excess capacity and of monopoly profits. One of the reasons why the jaebol issue has become so acute in Korea lies in the nature of the government-business relationship. The Korean government has set economic development as its foremost national goal and, since then, has intervened profoundly in the private sector. Since most strategic industries promoted by the government required a huge capacity in technology, capital and manpower, big firms were favored over smaller firms, and the benefits of industrial policy naturally accrued to large business groups. The concentration of economic power which occured along the way was, therefore, not necessarily a product of the market system. At the same time, the concentration of ownership in business groups has been left largely intact as they have customarily met capital requirements by means of debt. The real advantage enjoyed by large business groups lies in synergy due to multiplant and multiproduct production. Even these effects, however, cannot always be considered socially optimal, as they offer disadvantages to other independent firms-for example, by foreclosing their markets. Moreover their fictitious or artificial advantages only aggravate the popular perception that most business groups have accumulated their wealth at the expense of the general public and under the behest of the government. Since Korea stands now at the threshold of establishing a full-fledged market economy along with political democracy, the phenomenon called the concentration of economic power must be correctly understood and the roles of business groups must be accordingly redefined. In doing so, we would do better to take a closer look at Japan which has experienced a demise of family-controlled Zaibatsu and a success with business groups(Kigyoshudan) whose ownership is dispersed among many firms and ultimately among the general public. The Japanese case cannot be an ideal model, but at least it gives us a good point of departure in that the issue of ownership is at the heart of the matter. In setting the basic direction of public policy aimed at controlling the concentration of economic power, one must harmonize efficiency and equity. Firm size in itself is not a problem, if it is dictated by efficiency considerations and if the firm behaves competitively in the market. As long as entrepreneurship is required for continuous economic growth and there is a discrepancy in entrepreneurial capacity among individuals, a concentration of economic power is bound to take place to some degree. Hence, the most effective way of reducing the inefficiency of business groups may be to impose competitive pressure on their activities. Concurrently, unless the concentration of ownership in business groups is scaled down, the seed of social discontent will still remain. Nevertheless, the dispersion of ownership requires a number of preconditions and, consequently, we must make consistent, long-term efforts on many fronts. We can suggest a long list of policy measures specifically designed to control the concentration of economic power. Whatever the policy may be, however, its intended effects will not be fully realized unless business groups abide by the moral code expected of socially responsible entrepreneurs. This is especially true, since the root of the problem of the excessive concentration of economic power lies outside the issue of efficiency, in problems concerning distribution, equity, and social justice.