• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.59-72
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• 2000

Dragon robe was defined as a robe on which the principal design consisted of dragon. Dragon patterns have been used on princess robes during T'and Dynasty. In Sung, Dragon-figured robes seem to have an Imperial prerogative. Yuan took over the use of robes with dragons patterns as a definite institition. Ming tried to reject all Yuan innovations, the dragon robe was retained as an unofficial court costume. The Emperor's semiformal robes which at first had four dragon medallions, later had twelve along with the 12 Symbols(십이장문). As Ch'ing dragon robes were only intended fro semiformal use. The Later Ch'ing robes date from after 1719, when the Ch'ien-lung(건륭) introduced 12 Symbols on Ch'ing robes. The Ch'ien-lung laws were disobeyed, notably the ones that specified the number of claws on the dragons. THe Emperor's dragon robe, lung-p'ao, (용포) was described as bright yellow in color, having four slits and horsefoof cuffs. The basic pattern consisted of nin dragons, in addition it had 12 Symbols. The elaborate textile techniques reached their peak in Ch'ing Dynasty-with its Weaving and Dyeing Office in Peking, and this factories at Hangchow(항주), Soochow(소주), and Naking(남경) -helps to explain why the decay of the Ch'ing bureaucracy hastended the decline of dragon robes. In the Ch'ing Dynasty tow terms were used for dragon robe, depending on the number of claws on the dragons. Those with five-clawed dragons were called lung-p'ao, while those with four-clawed dragons were called mang-p'ao(망포). The Court felt compelled to take corrective meausres. It decreeed that Ninisters of State and other officials, who had been bestowed five-clawed lung dragons, must take out one claw. Finally, the sale of ranks and the attendant privilege of wearing dragon robes gradually increased during the 18 th century, reaching its height in the 19 th century, Finally, after the Taiping Rebellion, when the Imperial Treasury was depleted by the wholesale destruction of revenue-producing lands, the Chinese government came to depend on such sales as an important source of revenue and the practice became even more widespread. The ensuing mass production of dragon robes, and the necessity of conforming to the fairly rigid basic pattern established in 1759, resulted in marked deterioration of workmanship, and a comparative monotony of decoration. The patterns on the dragon robes slight changes continued to be made in the ways of representign them. The li shui (입수) portion at the base of the robe become inreasingly wider throughout the 19th century. The background became cluttered with symbols of good fortune, scattered among the clouds and waves. As a result of all this extraneous decoration, the dragons were so crowded that they had to shrink back into the small size that they had originally occupied in the medallons. Kuang-hsu(광저) was a long one, allowing time for the manufacture of numerous robes. Also, it would seem likely that Occidental museums and collections would have a considerable number of his robes, in view of the widespread looting of his palaces during the Allied occupation of Peking in 1900, and the frequent sales of Late Ch'ing imperial textiles by destitute Manchu courtiers in the '20's.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.375-406
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• 2011

The paper investigates the ideal image and the ideological tendency of the traditional intellectuals in the East Asian Societies by analyzing the religious thoughts of Donghak, Tenrikyo and the Society of God Worshippers, which were the representative religious bodies in Korea, Japan and China. In particular, this paper focuses on the founders' thoughts of the religious organizations, such as Choi Jewoo(崔濟愚, 1824-1864) of Donghak, Nakayama Miki(中山みき, 1798-1887) of Tenrikyo and Hong xiuquan(洪秀全, 1814-1864) of the Society of God Worshippers. The results obtained from the study are as follows:Choi Jewoo's father was a teacher in a rural village, and so Choi Jewoo also wanted to be a teacher. Afterward when he had religious experiences, in the trance state, he became a teacher. Consequently, his religious thoughts were based on the ideal teacher's stance. Nakayama Miki respected her father, who was a low-ranking warrior or bushi(武士). And when she experienced strange experiences, she became a high-ranking warrior or shogun(將軍). On this account, many of her religious thoughts were based on the ideal bushi's position. Hong xiuquan's father was a low-ranking local official, therefore Hong xiuquan wanted to be a high-ranking official since childhood. Later, he took the civil service examinations only to failed. And so when he had religious experiences, he became an official appointed by God. And his religious thoughts, in many cases, depended on the ideal official's stance.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.209-216
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• 2024

This study examines the drama "Still in Marronnier Park"(2005) to examine the strategies by which the drama communicates Korean society and literature of the 1960s to the public. The drama focuses on three characters to characterize the historical upheavals of the 1960s and the literary response. In particular, the drama tackles the historical events of the time head-on by introducing characters who are real-life politicians. Therefore, the drama explains historical events through narrators, interviews, and video footage, and at the same time, it helps us understand how political and social events affected the inner lives of Koreans. Through the narratives of Kim Ji-ha and Kim Seung-ok, the drama also conveys how Korean literature responded to unjust realities in the political and social context of the 1960s. Kim Ji-ha's rebellion against those in power and Kim Seung-ok's depiction of her inner landscape are used to portray the response of literature to political reality. Although the drama has the limitation of being somewhat typical, it raises meaningful questions about the meaning of literature in the political and social context of the 1960s and how the memory of the 1960s has left a trace in the minds of Koreans.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.39-55
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• 1997

Purpose : Dong-Mu(東武) Lee Je-Ma(李濟馬) was designated as a member of fifty persons 'The Wise Ancestors of Korean Culture and Art' in 1984 and the december of 1996 was appointed as 'The Month of Lee Je-Ma'. Though his achivements was valued like this, some historian criticized that he suppressed the righteous army. So this study was for clarifing the background, the motive, and the course of 'The Rising of Choi Moon-Hwan' occurred in Hamhung on february in 1896, and for the correct appraisement about this event. And also through this, author tried to make clear the origin of Lee Je-Ma's thought. Method : After studing the background of the end of Chosun dynasty and the righteous army in 1895(乙未義兵). Author made a comparative study through the historical materials of the goverment side, the Choi Moon-Hwan side, and the Lee Je-Ma side about 'The Rising of Choi Moon-Hwan' occurred in Hamhung on februrary in 1896. Results & Conclusion : The event occurred in Hamhung on february in 1896 was a part of rebellion of the righteous army in 1895 which had risen against The startling Occurrence of 1895'(乙未義兵) and 'The Royal Commands To Cut Off People's Hair'(斷髮令). Lee Je-Ma suppressed the Rising and put Choi Moon-Hwan in the prison, and which was criticized that he suppressed the righteous army later day. That time was a conflict period between conservatism and civilization, and the Lee Je-Ma's act was the best way to protect the security of residents from the attack which maybe occurred by Japanese army in Wonsan. Judging from this events, author could find Lee Je-Ma's thought was quite different from righteous army's neo-confucianism and conservatism. In the aspect of the history of 'Korean National Movement', further study about Choi Moon-Hwan, the chief of righteous army will be need.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.14
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• pp.413-429
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• 2007

The Guard over the royal household in the "Goryeo" era was the same as if was over the President or Ruler of a nation today. In those days, a king represented a nation and any threat to the safety of a king could bring the destruction of a nation and the dispersion of the people. by reviewing the change of the 2-Gun 6-Wi system of the era, it can be, summed up as follow, Ther will be suggestions. The Guard might focus on a king's personal safety in the wake of the system of the Silla and Taebong dynasties until the establishment of the Goryeo Dynasty's unique political system. "Goryeo" rebuilt the royal palace in Gyeonyeong-gun to take the shape of unified country after its accomplishment of unification of the late three countries, Then it was afraid of the rebellion and uprising of local powerful clans, The country put them under control and organized the local army with them in the era of Kings, Seongjong, through the kings, Seongjong and Gwangjong. The army system of "Goryeo" consisted of 2-Gun and 6-Wi, and 2-Gun placed above the 6-Wi played the role of the Royal guards, and among the organizations a certain army under the specific name of "Gyeonyong-gun" guarded the kings in the nearest position. An aristocratic culture enjoyed its golden age in the period of stability of the aristocracy of "Goryeo", but afterward in the confusion of the aristocratic disruption and incompatible confrontation the country lost its control, and faced military rebellions by treating civil officials well and ill-treating military officials The safety of kings become unstable with the grasping political power by the military officials, and "Dobang" was established in the era of Choi's family to grasp political power. In the era of Choi Woo, he gathered his men and organized his familys army with them and managed the personnel administration with the civil officials of "Jeongbang and Seobang under his command. Such a fact shows the similarity to today's task of guarding. Considering the facts that "Sambyeolcho, the military ground of the military-men-rule, was at the center of the struggling against Mongolia and that even after the fall of the military regime, they rebelled and fought against Mongolia to the end, we came to know that the nationalism in the era of the military era was great. In the transition of external situations from "Myeong" to "Won"(Chinese dynasties), the conflict between the old "Won"-friendly power and the new "Myeong"-friendly power caused the weakness of the power to guard the royal household, and "Goryeo" at last gave way to the newly rising "Joseon" led by Lee, Seong Gye who won the people's confidence.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.5
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• pp.217-229
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• 2007

Many historical research and facet about modern art in Indonesia which formulating background of contemporary Indonesian Art. Indonesian art critic Sanento Yuliman states that Modern art has been rapidly developing in Indonesia since the Indonesian Independence in 1945. Modern Art is a part of the super culture of the Indonesian metropolitan and is closely related to the contact between the Indonesian and Western Cultures. Its birth was part of the nationalism project, when the Indonesian people consists of various ethnics were determined to become a new nation, the Indonesian nation, and they wished for a new culture, and therefore, a new art. The period 1960s, which was the beginning of the creation and development of the painters and the painters associations, was the first stage of the development of modern art in Indonesia. The second stage showed the important role of the higher education institutes for art. These institutes have developed since the 1950s and in the 1970s they were the main education institutes for painters and other artists. The artists awareness of the medium, forms or the organization of shapes were encouraged more intensely and these encouraged the exploring and experimental attitudes. Meanwhile, the information about the world's modern art, particularly Western Art; was widely and rapidly spread. The 1960s and 1970s were marked by the development of various abstractions and abstract art and the great number of explorations in various new media, like the experiment with collage, assemblage, mixed media. The works of the Neo Art Movement-group in the second half of the 1970s and in the 1980s shows environmental art and installations, influenced by the elements of popular art, from the commercial world and mass media, as well as the involvement of art in the social and environmental affairs. The issues about the environment, frequently launched by the intellectuals in the period of economic development starting in the 1970s, echoed among the artists, and they were widened in the social, art and cultural circles. The Indonesian economic development following the important change in the 1970s has caused a change in the life of the middle and upper class society, as has the change in various aspects of a big city, particularly Jakarta. The new genre emerged in 1975 which indicates contemporary art in Indonesia, when a group of young artists organized a movement, which was widely known as the Indonesian New Art Movement. This movement criticized international style, universalism and the long standing debate on an east-west-dichotomy. As far as the actual practice of the arts was concerned the movement criticized the domination of the art of painting and saw this as a sign of stagnation in Indonesian art development. Based on this criticism 'the movement' introduced ready-mades and installations (Jim Supangkat). Takes almost two decades that the New Art Movement activists were establishing Indonesian Installation art genre as contemporary paradigm and influenced the 1980's gene ration like, FX Harsono, Dadang Christanto, Arahmaiani, Tisna Sanjaya, Diyanto, Andarmanik, entering the 1990's decade as "rebellion period" ; reject towards established aesthetic mainstream i.e. painting, sculpture, graphic art which are insufficient to express "new language" and artistic needs especially to mediate social politic and cultural situation. Installation Art which contains open possibilities of creation become a vehicle for aesthetic establishment rejection and social politics stagnant expression in 1990s. Installation art accommodates two major field; first, the rejection of aesthetic establishment has a consequences an artists quest for medium; deconstruction models and cross disciplines into multi and intermedia i.e. performance, music, video etc. Second aspect is artists' social politic intention for changes, both conclude as characteristics of Indonesian Installation Art and establishing the freedom of expression in contemporary Indonesian Art until today.