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Evaluation of indirect N2O Emission from Nitrogen Leaching in the Ground-water in Korea (우리나라 농경지에서 질소의 수계유출에 의한 아산화질소 간접배출량 평가)

  • Kim, Gun-Yeob;Jeong, Hyun-Cheol;Kim, Min-Kyeong;Roh, Kee-An;Lee, Deog-Bae;Kang, Kee-Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.44 no.6
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    • pp.1232-1238
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    • 2011
  • This experiment was conducted to measure concentration of dissolved $N_2O$ in ground-water of 59 wells and to make emission factor for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector in agricultural areas of Gyeongnam province from 2007 to 2010. Concentrations of dissolved $N_2O$ in ground-water of 59 wells were ranged trace to $196.6{\mu}g-N\;L^{-1}$. $N_2O$ concentrations were positively related with $NO_3$-N suggesting that denitrification was the principal reason of $N_2O$ production and $NO_3$-N concentration was the best predictor of indirect $N_2O$ emission. The ratio of dissolved $N_2O$-N to $NO_3$-N in ground-water was very important to make emission factor for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector. The mean ratio of $N_2O$-N to $NO_3$-N was 0.0035. It was greatly lower than 0.015, the default value of currently using in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) methodology for assessing indirect $N_2O$ emission in agro-ecosystems (IPCC, 1996). It means that the IPCC's present nitrogen indirect emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$, 0.015) and indirect $N_2O$ emission estimated with IPCC's emission factor are too high to use adopt in Korea. So we recommend 0.0034 as national specific emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$) for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector. Using the estimated value of 0.0034 as the emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$) revised the indirect $N_2O$ emission from agricultural sector in Korea decreased from 1,801,576 ton ($CO_2$-eq) to 964,645 ton ($CO_2$-eq) in 2008. The results of this study suggest that the indirect Emission of nitrous oxide from upland recommend 0.0034 as national specific emission factor ($EF_{5-g}$) for assessment of indirect $N_2O$ emission at agricultural sector.

Assessment of Soil Loss Estimated by Soil Catena Originated from Granite and Gneiss in Catchment (소유역단위 화강암/편마암 기원 토양 연접군(catena)에 따른 토양 유실 평가)

  • Hur, Seung-Oh;Sonn, Yeon-Kyu;Jung, Kang-Ho;Park, Chan-Won;Lee, Hyun-Hang;Ha, Sang-Keun;Kim, Jeong-Gyu
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.40 no.5
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    • pp.383-391
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    • 2007
  • This study was conducted for an assessment through the estimation of soil loss by each catchment classified by soil catena. Ten catchments, which are Geumgang21, Namgang03, Dongjincheon, Gapyongcheon01, Gyongancheon02, Geumgang16, Byongsungcheon01, Daesincheon, Bukcheon02, Youngsangang08, were selected from the hydrologic unit map and the detailed soil digital map (1:25,000) for this study. The catchments like Geumgang21, Namgang03, Dongjincheon, Gapyongcheon01 and Gyongancheon02 were mainly composed with soils originated from gneiss. The catchments like Geumgang16, Byongsungcheon01, Daesincheon, Bukcheon02 and Youngsangang08 were mainly composed with soils originated from granites. The grades, which are divided into seven grades with A(very tolerable), B(tolerable), C(moderate), D(low), E(high), F(severe), G(very severe), of soil erosion estimated by USLE in catchments were distributed in most A and B because of paddy land and forestry. In detailed, the soil erosion grade of catchments mainly distributing soils originated from gneiss showed more the distribution of B and C than it of catchments mainly distributing soils originated from granites. The reason of results would be derived from topographic characteristics of soils originated from gneiss located at mountainous. The soil loss according to soil catena linked with Songsan and Jigok series, which are soils originated from gneiss was calculated with $7.66ton\;ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$. The soil loss of Geumgang16, Byongsungcheon01, Daesincheon, Bukcheon02 which have the soil catena linked with Samgak and Sangju soil series originated from granite, was calculated with $5.55ton\;ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$. The soil loss of Youngsangang08 which have the soil catena linked with Songjung and Baeksan soil series originated from granite was calculated with $9.6ton\;ha^{-1}\;yr^{-1}$, but the conclusion on soil loss in this kind of soil catena would be drawn from the analysis of more catchments. In conclusion, the results of this study inform that the classification of soil catena by catchments and estimation of soil loss according to soil catena would be effective for analysis on the grade of non-point pollution by soil erosion in a catchment.

A Study on the Changes in Gwi-po from Tang to Jin Dynasty in China - Focusing on the connection type of Jwau-dae(左右隊) - (중국 당대~금대 목조 건축의 귀포 변천에 관한 연구 - 좌우대의 결구 유형을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Byung-Chun;Lee, Ho-Yeol
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.48 no.3
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    • pp.96-119
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    • 2015
  • This research has studied the changes of Gwi-po(轉角包) by taking the cases of China's medieval wooden buildings as objects. The purpose of the study is to examine the time-periodic transition process of Gwi-po through the cases of 71 wooden buildings which were built from Tang(唐) dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) until Jin(金) dynasty(AD 1115~1234) and also designated as 'Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level'. This research has taken note of various frame types of Jwau-dae(左右隊), which are architectural components of Gwi-po, to study the changes and development process of Gwi-po. The results are as follows. An important factor in the transformations of Gwi-po format is the changes in perception of the craftsmen about Jwau-dae, who took charge in the building process. In the early periods, the principles of Yidou sanshen dougong(一斗三升) in constructing ancons of Gwi-po had been well-maintained, while there appeared many different types of Gwi-po in later periods, due to the usage of Jwau-dae and $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in each Chulmok of Gwi-po. Transitional types of Gwi-po, which were evolved from the earlier ones, are divided into 3 categories by different forms of Jwau-dae, placed on odd number stages. The first one is 'none-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125) buildings, which doesn't have $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s, for the reason that Jwau-dae(左右隊) is in direct contact with Gwihan-dae(耳限大). The second one is '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Jin dynasty(AD 1115~1234), that has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae(左右隊) identical to $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in form. The last one is '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Jin(AD 1115~1234) and Yuan dynasty(AD 1271~1368), which has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae identical to $Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) in form. The earlier forms of Gwi-po, which appeared between Tang dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) and Five Dynasties periods(907~960) went through transitional forms of 'non-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type', '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' and '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' and finally had its form settled between Yuan(元, AD 1271~1368) and Ming(明. AD 1368~1644) dynasty periods. In Liao(遼) dynasty period(AD 907~1125), as the buildings got bigger and the tendency of longer eave-exposure was implemented, there grew a certain need to structurally reinforce Gwi-po, on which load of the whole roof is concentrated. Especially, the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style in this period had a great influence on standardization of Gwi-po, along with None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style. Furthermore, Wing-type Gong(翼型?), which developed in Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125), is also thought to have had a great influence on the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style by changing the forms of Gongs(?), such as Gwi-po. However, unlike None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style, there occurred a gradual change from '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' to '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Gwi-po in $Xi{\grave{a}}$ ${\acute{a}}ng$ style.

Thinking in Terms of East-West Contacts through Spreading Process of Sarmathia-Pattened Scabbard on Tillya-Tepe Site in Afghanistan (아프가니스탄 틸랴 테페의 사르마티아(Sarmathia)식 검집 패용 방식의 전개 과정으로 본 동서교섭)

  • Lee, Song Ran
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.4
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    • pp.54-73
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    • 2012
  • In this article, we examined the patterns of activities of the Sarmathians though in a humble measure, with a focus on the regions where the Sarmathian sheaths spreaded. One of the main weapons the mounted nomads like the Scythias, the Sarmathians, and the Alans used at war was a spear. Though complementary, a sword was the most convenient and appropriate weapon when fighting at a near distance, fallen from the horse to the ground. The Sarmathian swords continued the tradition of the Akinakes which the Scythias or the Persians used, but those of the Sarmathians showed some advances in terms of the easiness with which a sword was drawn out from a sheath, and the way the sheaths were worn to parts of a human body. It turns out that the Sarmathian sheaths, which were designed for the people to draw swords easily, having the sheaths attached to thighs through 4 bumps, spread extensively from Pazyryk, Altai, to South Siberia, Bactria, Parthia and Rome. The most noteworthy out of all the Sarmathian sheaths were the ones that were excavated from the 4th tomb in Tillatepe, Afghanistan which belonged to the region of Bactria. The owner of the fourth tomb of Tilla-tepe whose region was under the control of Kushan Dynasty at that time, was buried wearing Sarmathian swords, and regarded as a big shot in the region of Bactria which was also under the governance of Kushan Dynasty. The fact that the owner of the tomb wore two swords suggests that there had been active exchange between Bactria and Sarmathia. It seemed that the reason why the Sarmathians could play an important role in the exchange between the East and the West might have something to do with their role of supplying Chinese goods to Silk Road. That's why we are interested in how the copper mirrors of Han Dynasty, decoration beads like melon-type beads, crystal beads and goldring articulated beads, and the artifacts of South China which produced silks were excavated in the northern steppe route where the Sarmathians actively worked. Our study have established that the eye beads discovered in Sarmathian tomb estimated to have been built around the 1st century B.C. were reprocessed in China, and then imported to Sarmathia again. We should note the Huns as a medium between the Sarmathians and the South China which were far apart from each other. Thus gold-ring articulated beads which were spread out mainly across the South China has been discovered in the Huns' remains. On the other hand, between 2nd century B.C. and 2nd century A.D. which were main periods of the Sarmathians, it was considered that the traffic route connecting the steppe route and the South China might be West-South silk road which started from Yunnan, passed through Myanmar, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, and then went into the east of India. The West-south Silk road is presumed to have been used by nomadic tribes who wanted to get the goods from South China before the Oasis route was activated by the Han Dynasty's policy of managing the countries bordering on Western China.

The Origin of Changseung and Ongjung Stone (장승의 기원과 옹중석)

  • Chung, Seung Mo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.160-175
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    • 2013
  • There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

Bibliographic Study on 『ChungMinKongKeicho (忠愍公啓草)』 by YI Sun-sin (이순신의 『충민공계초(忠愍公啓草)』에 대한 서지적 고찰)

  • Ro, Seung-Suk
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.4-19
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    • 2016
  • Jangkei(狀啓) made to the Royal Court by Yi Sun-sin during the Japanese invasions of Korea is handed down under the names of Jangcho(狀草), Keicho(啓草), Keibon(啓本) and others depending on copying patterns of those times and later times as it was copied out by a third person. In particular, "YimjinJangcho(壬辰狀草)" which Yi drew up during his service as the director of the naval forces in Jeolla Jwasooyeong is known as the most popular Jangkei. "ChungMinKongKeicho" which has been re-located recently after loss is a national treasure level cultural property as valuable as "YimjinJangcho" and should be treated as a model of Yi Sun-sin's other Jangkeis by next generations. As of now, however it is not confirmed if it is a totally new book related to Yi Sun-sin or is supplementary to the lost Jangkei, this study decided to ascertain relevant information through a bibliographic discussion on the question. "Chungmin(忠愍)" was the title that was used after the death of Yi Sun-sin, and "ChungMinKongKeicho" was completed when Jangkei was copied in 1662. 12 books that would not be found in YimjinJangcho are included in the book and such books are also present in the Jangkei supplement which has been known lost so far. What should be especially focused on here is that the forms and contents of these (11) photographs that Japanese shot from "ChungMinKongKeicho" in 1928 turned out to be completely identical to those of the original copy. The point that Korean History Compilation Committee added the 12 books to Jangkei as referring to the book as "One Keicho(啓草) partially copied(抄寫) in separation" and that Cho Sung-do categorized the 12 books into a supplement and others can be solid proofs to make the Jangkei supplement called "ChungMinKongKeicho". In terms of "ChungMooKongKeicho", since it consists of 62 books in total, it is not reasonable to see the book as Jangkei supplement which has the extra 12 more books for itself. "ChungMooKongKeibon" in "ChungMooKongYusa" was written with a total of 16 books. In the body, Yidumun is only clearly present, and the three books in the later part are same with the original copy of "ChungMooKongKeicho". "YimjinJangcho" by Korean History Compilation Committee has been the only book in which Yidumun was observed so far but now, it is assumed that the publication date of "ChungMooKongKeibon" goes before that of the former. The counterargument to the opinion that "ChungMinKongKeicho" is the supplement to Jangkei is based on Lee Eun-sang's comment "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement." At first Seol Ui-sik introduced a piece photo of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki" in a drawing form through "Nanjung Ilkicho by Yi Sun-sin" in 1953. Lee Eun-sang also added two pages of the handwritten Yilkicho in the Jangkeichobon supplement to "MoosulIlki" and for the second time, the phrase "One page of a log written during the last 10 days after the Jangkei copy supplement" and "Supplement" were used. Those views are originated from the comment "One photograph of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki"" which Seol Ui-sik introduced without knowledge of the exact source. Lee Eun-sang said, "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement" because Lee mistook "ChungMooKongYusa" for a book related to Jangkei. Since it is the wrong argument different from the actual situation of the original copy, if it has to be corrected, it should be rephrased "One page of a log in ChungMooKongYusa." After all, the source of the counterargument is the mistake because there has never been the Jangkei supplement with one page of a log included. All the Jangkeis other than "YimjinJangcho" can be said as the Jangkei supplements but still, they are separated from the other Jangkeis for the extra 12 more books are present in the commonly-called Jangkei supplement. Due to that reason, the argument on how "ChungMinKongKeicho" with the 12 books added is the popular Jangkei supplement should be considered more reasonable.

Genetic Diversity of Korean Native Chicken Populations in DAD-IS Database Using 25 Microsatellite Markers (초위성체 마커를 활용한 가축다양성정보시스템(DAD-IS) 등재 재래닭 집단의 유전적 다양성 분석)

  • Roh, Hee-Jong;Kim, Kwan-Woo;Lee, Jinwook;Jeon, Dayeon;Kim, Seung-Chang;Ko, Yeoung-Gyu;Mun, Seong-Sil;Lee, Hyun-Jung;Lee, Jun-Heon;Oh, Dong-Yep;Byeon, Jae-Hyun;Cho, Chang-Yeon
    • Korean Journal of Poultry Science
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    • v.46 no.2
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    • pp.65-75
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    • 2019
  • A number of Korean native chicken(KNC) populations were registered in FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) DAD-IS (Domestic Animal Diversity Information Systems, http://www.fao.org/dad-is). But there is a lack of scientific basis to prove that they are unique population of Korea. For this reason, this study was conducted to prove KNC's uniqueness using 25 Microsatellite markers. A total of 548 chickens from 11 KNC populations (KNG, KNB, KNR, KNW, KNY, KNO, HIC, HYD, HBC, JJC, LTC) and 7 introduced populations (ARA: Araucana, RRC and RRD: Rhode Island Red C and D, LGF and LGK: White Leghorn F and K, COS and COH: Cornish brown and Cornish black) were used. Allele size per locus was decided using GeneMapper Software (v 5.0). A total of 195 alleles were observed and the range was 3 to 14 per locus. The MNA, $H_{\exp}$, $H_{obs}$, PIC value within population were the highest in KNY (4.60, 0.627, 0.648, 0.563 respectively) and the lowest in HYD (1.84, 0.297, 0.286, 0.236 respectively). The results of genetic uniformity analysis suggested 15 cluster (${\Delta}K=66.22$). Excluding JJC, the others were grouped in certain cluster with high genetic uniformity. JJC was not grouped in certain cluster but grouped in cluster 2 (44.3%), cluster 3 (17.7%) and cluster8 (19.1%). As a results of this study, we can secure a scientific basis about KNC's uniqueness and these results can be use to basic data for the genetic evaluation and management of KNC breeds.

A Two-Stage Learning Method of CNN and K-means RGB Cluster for Sentiment Classification of Images (이미지 감성분류를 위한 CNN과 K-means RGB Cluster 이-단계 학습 방안)

  • Kim, Jeongtae;Park, Eunbi;Han, Kiwoong;Lee, Junghyun;Lee, Hong Joo
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.27 no.3
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    • pp.139-156
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    • 2021
  • The biggest reason for using a deep learning model in image classification is that it is possible to consider the relationship between each region by extracting each region's features from the overall information of the image. However, the CNN model may not be suitable for emotional image data without the image's regional features. To solve the difficulty of classifying emotion images, many researchers each year propose a CNN-based architecture suitable for emotion images. Studies on the relationship between color and human emotion were also conducted, and results were derived that different emotions are induced according to color. In studies using deep learning, there have been studies that apply color information to image subtraction classification. The case where the image's color information is additionally used than the case where the classification model is trained with only the image improves the accuracy of classifying image emotions. This study proposes two ways to increase the accuracy by incorporating the result value after the model classifies an image's emotion. Both methods improve accuracy by modifying the result value based on statistics using the color of the picture. When performing the test by finding the two-color combinations most distributed for all training data, the two-color combinations most distributed for each test data image were found. The result values were corrected according to the color combination distribution. This method weights the result value obtained after the model classifies an image's emotion by creating an expression based on the log function and the exponential function. Emotion6, classified into six emotions, and Artphoto classified into eight categories were used for the image data. Densenet169, Mnasnet, Resnet101, Resnet152, and Vgg19 architectures were used for the CNN model, and the performance evaluation was compared before and after applying the two-stage learning to the CNN model. Inspired by color psychology, which deals with the relationship between colors and emotions, when creating a model that classifies an image's sentiment, we studied how to improve accuracy by modifying the result values based on color. Sixteen colors were used: red, orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo, purple, turquoise, pink, magenta, brown, gray, silver, gold, white, and black. It has meaning. Using Scikit-learn's Clustering, the seven colors that are primarily distributed in the image are checked. Then, the RGB coordinate values of the colors from the image are compared with the RGB coordinate values of the 16 colors presented in the above data. That is, it was converted to the closest color. Suppose three or more color combinations are selected. In that case, too many color combinations occur, resulting in a problem in which the distribution is scattered, so a situation fewer influences the result value. Therefore, to solve this problem, two-color combinations were found and weighted to the model. Before training, the most distributed color combinations were found for all training data images. The distribution of color combinations for each class was stored in a Python dictionary format to be used during testing. During the test, the two-color combinations that are most distributed for each test data image are found. After that, we checked how the color combinations were distributed in the training data and corrected the result. We devised several equations to weight the result value from the model based on the extracted color as described above. The data set was randomly divided by 80:20, and the model was verified using 20% of the data as a test set. After splitting the remaining 80% of the data into five divisions to perform 5-fold cross-validation, the model was trained five times using different verification datasets. Finally, the performance was checked using the test dataset that was previously separated. Adam was used as the activation function, and the learning rate was set to 0.01. The training was performed as much as 20 epochs, and if the validation loss value did not decrease during five epochs of learning, the experiment was stopped. Early tapping was set to load the model with the best validation loss value. The classification accuracy was better when the extracted information using color properties was used together than the case using only the CNN architecture.

The Conceptual Intersection between the Old and the New and the Transformation of the Traditional Knowledge System (신구(新舊) 관념의 교차와 전통 지식 체계의 변용)

  • Lee, Haenghoon
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.32
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    • pp.215-249
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    • 2011
  • This essay reflects on the modernity of Korea by examining the transformation of the traditional knowledge system from a historico-semantic perspective with its focus on the opposition and collision of the old and the new conception occurred in the early period(1890~1910) of the acceptance of the Western modern civilization. With scientific success, trick of reason, Christianity and evolutionary view of history, the Western modernity regarded itself as a peak of civilization and forced the non-Western societies into the world system in which they came to be considered as 'barbarism(野蠻)' or 'half-enlightened(半開).' The East Asian civilization, which had its own history for several centuries, became degraded as kind of delusion and old-fashioned customs from which it ought to free itself. The Western civilization presented itself as exemplary future which East Asian people should achieve, while East Asian past traditions came to be conceived as just unnecessary vestiges which it was better to wipe out. It can be said that East Asian modernization was established through the propagation and acceptance of the modern products of the Western civilization rather than through the preservation of its past experience and pursuit of the new at the same time. Accordingly, it is difficult to apply directly to East Asian societies Koselleck's hypothesis; while mapping out his Basic Concept of History, he assumed that, in the so-called 'age of saddle,' semantic struggle over concepts becomes active between the past experience and the horizon of expectation on the future, and concepts undergoes 'temporalization', 'democratization', 'ideologization', 'politicization.'The struggle over the old and new conceptions in Korea was most noticeable in the opposition of the Neo-Confucian scholars of Hwangseongsinmun and the theorists of civilization of Doknipsinmun. The opposition and struggle demanded the change of understanding in every field, but there was difference of opinion over the conception of the past traditional knowledge system. For the theorists of civilization, 'the old(舊)' was not just 'past' and 'old-fashioned' things, but rather an obstacle to the building of new civilization. On the other hand, it contained the possibility of regeneration(新) for the Neo-Confucian scholars; that is, they suggested finding a guide into tomorrow by taking lessons from the past. The traditional knowledge system lost their holy status of learning(聖學) in the process of its change into a 'new learning(新學),' and religion and religious tradition also weakened. The traditional knowledge system could change itself into modern learning by accepting scientific methodology which pursues objectivity and rationality. This transformation of the traditional knowledge system and 'the formation of the new learning from the old learning' was accompanied by the intersection between the old and new conceptions. It is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the concept of Sil(hak)(實學) or Practical Learning in the intersection of the old and new conceptions. Various modern media published before and after the 20th century show clearly the multi-layered development of the old and new conceptions, and it is noticeable that 'Sil(hak)' as conceptual frame of reference contributed to the transformation of the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. Although Silhak often designated, or was even considered equivalent to, the Western learning, Neo-Confucian scholars reinterpreted the concept of 'Silhak' which the theorists of civilization had monopolized until then, and opened the way to change the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. They re-appropriated the concept of Silhak, and enabled it to be invested with values, which were losing their own status due to the overwhelming scientific technology. With Japanese occupation of Korea by force, the attempt to transform the traditional knowledge system independently was obliged to reach its own limit, but its theory of 'making new learning from old one' can be considered to get over both the contradiction of Dondoseogi(東道西器: principle of preserving Eastern philosophy while accepting Western technology) and the de-subjectivity of the theory of civilization. While developing its own logic, the theory of Dongdoseogi was compelled to bring in the contradiction of considering the indivisible(道and 器) as divisible, though it tried to cope with the reality where the principle of morality and that of competition were opposed each other and the ideologies of 'evolution' and 'progress' prevailed. On the other hand, the theory of civilization was not free from the criticism that it brought about a crack in subjectivity due to its internalization of the West, cutting itself off from the traditional knowledge system.

Hwaunsi(和韻詩) on the Poems of Tu Fu(杜甫) and Su Shi(蘇軾) Written by Simjae(深齋) Cho Geung-seop(曺兢燮) in the Turning Point of Modern Era (근대 전환기 심재 조긍섭의 두(杜)·소시(蘇詩) 화운시)

  • Kim, Bo-kyeong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.56
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    • pp.35-73
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    • 2014
  • This paper examined the poem world of Simjae(深齋) Cho Geung-seop(曺兢燮: 1873-1933) in the turning point of the modern era, focused on his Hwaunsi (和韻詩: Poems written by using the rhymes of other poets' poems). In his poems, there are lots of Hwaunsi on the poems of Tu Fu(杜甫) and Su Shi(蘇軾), especially. This makes him regarded as a medieval poet, engaged in Chinese poem creation in the most traditional method in the turbulent period. Looking at the Hawunsi(和韻詩) alone, Simjae's creative life became the starting point of turnaround at around 40 years old. Before the age of 40, the poets in the Tang Dynasty and Song Dynasty and Ming Dynasty and Qing Dynasty and Korean figures like Lee Hwang(李滉), as well as Tu Fu and Su Shi were the subjects of his Hwanunsi. After the age of 40, some examples of writing poems using the rhymes of other poets' poems, especially Korean figures related to regions, are often found, reducing Hwaunsi on Tu Fu and Su Shi. Simjae called Tu Fu the integration of poets, talking about the integrity of poetic talent and his being highly proficient in mood and view. As reflecting such an awareness, the themes and moods and views are demonstrated diversely in Simjae's Hwaunsi. Although, he did not reveal his thinking about the poems of Su Shi, he seemed to love Su Shi's poems to some degree. The closeness to the original poems, the poems of Tu Fu are relatively higher than those of Su Shi. Roughly speaking, Simjae tried to find his own individuality, intending to follow Tu Fu, but, he seemed to attempt to reveal his intention using Su Shi's poems, rather than trying to imitate. To carefully examine, Simjae wrote Hwaunsi, but he did not just imitate, but revealed the aesthetics of comparison and difference. In many cases, he made new meanings by implanting his intentions in the poems, while sharing the opportunity of creation, rather than bringing the theme and mood and view as they are. The Hwaunsi on Su Shi's poems reveal the closeness to the original poems relatively less. This can be the trace of an effort to make his own theme and individuality, not being dominated by the Hwaun(和韻: using the rhymes of other poets' poems) entirely, as he used the creative method having many restrictions. However, it is noted that the Hwaunsi on Tu Fu's poems was not written much, after the age of 40. Is this the reason why he realized literary reality that he could not cope with anymore with only his effort within the Hwaunsi? For example, he wrote four poems by borrowing Su Shi's Okjungsi(獄中詩: poem written in jail) rhymes and also wrote Gujung Japje(拘中雜題), in 1919, while he was detained. In these poems, his complex contemplation and emotion, not restricted by any poet's rhymes, are revealed diversely. Simjae's Hwaunsi testifies the reality, in which Chinese poetry's habitus existed and the impressive existence mode at the turning point of the modern era. Although, the creation of Hwaunsi reflects his disposition of liking the old things, it is judged that his psychology, resisting modern characters' change, affected to some degree in the hidden side. In this regard, Simaje's Hwaunsi encounters limitation on its own, however, it has significance in that some hidden facts were revealed in the modern Chinese poetry history, which was captured with attention under the name of novelty, eccentricity and modernity.